This article analyzes Baybars al-Mansnr & imacr;'s chronicle, Zubdat al-Fikra, from the perspective of the Golden Horde's relationship with the Yuan Dynasty, combining Chinese and Persian sources with case studies to explore the Juchid Khan's stance toward the Yuan and the Golden Horde's role in facilitating Mamluk-Yuan diplomatic and commercial relations. Research materials: Contemporary Arabic sources are utilized, including Baybars al-Mansnr & imacr;'s chronicle, Ibn al-Shadd & amacr;d's biography of Sultan Baybars, and al-`Umar & imacr;'s encyclopedia. Additionally, official histories compiled during the Yuan Dynasty and the Ilkanate are examined, including Rash & imacr;d al-D & imacr;n's Jdmi` al-Tavdrikh, Vass & amacr;f's Tdrikh-i Vassdf, and Ibn B & imacr;b & imacr;'s local history of Anatolia. Results and novelty of the research: In this article, much attention is paid to the analysis of Baybars al-Mansnr & imacr;'s Zubdat al-Fikra, particularly its previously overlooked accounts related to the Yuan Dynasty. Through meticulously examined case studies, the author aims to highlight the chronicle's unique and detailed records-verifiable yet absent from extant Chinese and Persian sources. Consequently, this study demonstrates that Baybars al-Mansnr & imacr;'s accounts offer new insights into the internal affairs and diplomatic policies of the Golden Horde while on its stance toward the Yuan

As an aspect of the linguistic landscape in the Mamluk Sultanate, the role and career of Mongolian speakers remain open to discussion. Through analysis of the primary sources of various genres from different parts of Mongol and post-Mongol Eurasia, this article overviews the Mongolian language and its speakers in the circle of Mamluk Sultan’s Court. Furthermore, compared with the Persian and Chinese sources, I try to point out the similarities of Mongolian education in the Mamluk Sultanate and the Mongol Empire. In addition, the complexity of the relationship between language acquisition and knowledge of Mongol history will be discussed.

Through the analysis of three Ming Chinese geographical documents which were depicted during the early sixteenth-century, this article contributes a case study on the geographical knowledge of the Timurid Central Asia in Ming Chinese documents. The article argues, according to abundant geographical information offered by these documents, we can reconstruct the active network of transnational routes that connected the Ming Empire and Timurid Central Asia. Furthermore, these documents provide the highly convincing proof that the knowledge of the Ming court to its contemporary Eurasian competitors was continuously renewed.

Abstract Gift-exchange is the main element of a long-established tradition in Inner Asian diplomatic practice, representing a kind of political discourse. The Mongol Empire, after its rise in the early 13th century, changed the tradition of diplomatic ideology and practice, and established new principles subsequently. This article, according to multi-lingual sources, summarizes the formal and political aspects of gift-exchange during the pre-Mongol period and, furthermore, discusses the innovation and continuity of gift-exchange in the diplomatic practice of the earlier Mongol Empire.

In 1298 AD, Ghāzān khan, ruler of the Ilkhanate, dispatched Fakhr al-Dīn Aḥmad al-Ṭībī as his ambassador to the Yuan Empire with a merchant fleet. The onward route of this missionary coincided with the return route of Marco Polo, and as the ortoq of Mongol khan, the status and experience of them were similar. However, compared with Marco Polo, Fakhr al-Dīn played a more important role, and the experience during his trip was more marvelous. Based on the narratives of the Tārīkh-i Waṣṣāf and other contemporary documents, the current article tries to investigate Fakhr al-Dīn's mission with following focuses: the rise of the al-Ṭībī family; the reconsideration of Fakhr al-Dīn's trip; and Waṣṣāf's record of Fakhr al-Dīn's experience in China, especially the concrete scene about the later period of Temür's reign.

新近在伊朗出版的阿拉伯语史书《鞑靼君王纪事》是一部尚未得到学界足够重视的蒙古史书,该书基于什叶派穆斯林的立场重述了成吉思汗兴起至巴格达陷落期间的史事.在关于蒙古征服金朝的章节中,该书提到了穆斯林札八儿火者协助成吉思汗攻陷中都的信息.经比较可发现,《鞑靼君王纪事》的记载既可与汉文史料所载相勘合,又含有不见于汉、波斯语文献的内容.有鉴于此,围绕札八儿火者这一案例,除了对相关段落加以汉译和考证外,相关史事西传的途径与网络,以及什叶派视野下蒙古西征的历史叙述亦将被加以讨论.

骨咄是中古时期在阿拉伯-波斯和汉语文献中被广泛记载的一种具有解毒功能的骨质珍宝,先后受到突厥、契丹、女真等内亚民族的珍视.文章在劳费尔、伯希和研究的基础上,系统梳理、比勘了9-14世纪的阿拉伯、波斯、突厥和汉文文献中关于骨咄的记载,考察了东、西亚文献中对于骨咄产地、特性等知识的积累、变迁和交流的过程;梳理了有关骨咄知识的传播路线,以及“骨咄”在中古时期内亚外交活动中所扮演的角色.

Abstract: This study discusses the history of the Golden Horde and the political status of the Jochid ulus from the perspective of the Yuan Dynasty. According to traditional narratives, the rulers of the Jochid ulus were largely antagonistic and apathetic towards the Yuan Court. However, Chinese sources present a somewhat different picture and shed new light on several issues, including the status of Jochid rulers in the eyes of Yuan historians, the importance of Jochid apanages in China, local dual-administrative structures, and local officials of the Great Khan. The importance of Berke’s conversion to Islam and how this influenced the conflict between the Jochids and Toluids is also touched upon. The contribution ends with a discussion of the relationship between the Golden Horde and the Yuan Dynasty in the post-Berke period.

In 1298 AD, Ghazan khan, ruler of the Ilkhanate, dispatched Fakhr al-Din Abmad Tibi as his ambassador to the Yuan Empire with a merchant fleet. The onward route of this missionary coincided with the return route of Marco Polo, and as the ortaq of Mongol khan, the status and experience of them were similar. However, compared with Marco Polo, Fakhr al-Din played a more important role, and the experience during his trip was more marvelous. This article tries to investigate Fakhr al-Din's mission with two focuses: the rise of the al-Tibi family; and the reconsideration of Fakhr al-Din's trip. In terms of the historical sources, the author utilizes some new versions of Tarikh-i Vassaf published recently, such as the photocopied edition of the manuscript collected by the Nuru Osmaniye Library and which was published in 2009. This manuscript originally belonged to the Rashid al-Din private library and was regarded as a version that is very close to the original edition. The author also referred to the new version edited by 'Ali Riza: Hajyan Najad, and some early manuscripts collected by the Library of Tehran University and the Library of Iran Parliament. Comparing with existing Chinese sources, the author provided a first-ever complete translation of the text. The author believes that Fakhr al-Din Abmad Tibi's family was one of the leading maritime traders under the Mongol ruler. After the 1260s, with the invasion of the Ilkhanate to the Persian Gulf, this family seized the opportunity to cooperate with the Mongols, in order to get rid of the competitors and expand their influence in the Persian Gulf region. Tibi's family then became the agent of Ilkhan in South Iran and as the ortaq merchant for the imperial households at the same time. Finally, under the rule of Jamal al-Din, Kish had become the pivot of a maritime trading network, spanning from China, India, the Persian Gulf to present day Yemen. Noting this in mind, Ghazan khan dispatched Fakhr al-Din as his ambassador to the Yuan dynasty. Vassaf's record of Fakhr al-Din's experience in China gives us a more concrete scene about the later period of Temur's reign. According to Vassaf's narrative, we can see that the government of the Yuan dynasty usually borrowed the Islamic administrative regulations from Ilkhanate to administer the Muslim merchants in China. Vassaf also mentioned the group of prime ministers surround the Qa'an. His report indicated that after empress Buluqan launched a political purge in 1303, nearly all the ministers served at the Central Secretariat were convicted and later demoted. The other valuable information from Vassaf was about the case of monopoly-trade in Temur Qa'an's court. This case can be regarded as the sequel of the jewelry fraud case that happened in 1298, which recorded by Rashid al-Din. Moreover, through the case of al-Tibi, we can observe the actual attitude of Temur Qa'an toward monopoly-trade and the inflation of paper money in 1304 concurs with the Chinese sources. Finally, the author also indicates that the Fakhr al-Din delegation was not an isolated event. We should consider this case in the context of the general peace agreement of the four Mongol khanates signed in 1304. With the agreement sealed, the rulers of the Mongol khanates tried to re-open the commercial routes inside the Mongol World Empire. During the Mongol era, this network influenced the cultural and commercial exchange between western and eastern Asia significantly. With the Pax Mongolica, the exchange of information and goods via maritime route played a crucial role in this era.

《五族谱》(Shu'ab-i Panjgāna)是由土耳其学者托干在土耳其托普卡普皇宫博物馆中发现的一部用波斯语—蒙古语双语抄写,记录蒙古、突厥、汉、阿拉伯、犹太五个民族君王世系的著作.该抄本的内容与拉施都丁所著的《史集》有着密切关联,也含有对《史集》信息的增补.作为《五族谱》“蒙古世系”的最后一部分“伊利汗世系”(自旭烈兀汗至合赞汗)是研究伊利汗时期历史的第一手资料,同时对理解伊利汗国的政治结构也有着很大帮助.本论文以《五族谱》中蒙古异密名录为中心讨论伊利汗国的成立及其政治结构:通过分析伊利汗国中特定异密家族的部族出身和子嗣地位的变化,来观察政治过程和异密家族之间的联系,以及伊利汗国和旭烈兀西征之前河中及波斯地区蒙古镇戍军集团之间的关系.作者认为伊利汗国建立在对原有镇戍军集团的吸收和改造的基础上,而后者也决定了伊利汗国的基本构造:即区分为东(呼罗珊)、西(鲁木-高加索)两大集团,这种构造对伊利汗国的政治进程也有重要影响.

就我所知,察合台汗国送往其他国家的信札均未被保存下来.然而察合台汗国位于诸蒙古汗国的中心,且与邻国的关系往往很紧张,许多不同的史料也提及察合台汗国的使臣和信件,可见察合台汗国与其他蒙古汗国,以及诸如埃及和叙利亚的马木鲁克算端、德里算端、教廷等同时代的政权,以及一些更小的地方势力——如也里(Herāt)的迦儿惕(Kart)王朝都有着外交联系. 这个初步的研究要讨论自1260年统一的大蒙古国瓦解,直至1347年察合台汗国分裂为东西两部分期间——察合台汗国受窝阔台汗国海都支配的三十年(1271～1301年)也包括在内——察合台汗国的外交实践.②在介绍有限的文书,或更准确地说,引用文书的文献后,这篇文章将集中讨论两个主要问题:其一,察合台汗国外交的作用和方式,其主要外交行动是派遣使臣;其二,现存察合台汗国公文记载中的形式和观念问题.

作为术赤兀鲁思的左翼，十四世纪初斡儿答兀鲁思的汗位危机将四个蒙古汗国（元、金帐汗国、察合台一窝阔台汗国、伊利汗国）先后卷人其中，它最终超越其发生的地域而成为影响蒙古帝国政治进程的一个重要事件。由于记述这一事件的史料较为零碎，且散见于伊利汗国的波斯语史书和用阿拉伯语编纂的马木鲁克编年史中，故本文通过对比、分析相关穆斯林文献，对该历史事件的过程进行梳理和还原。并且从斡儿答汗位传承特征和外交上的独立性两方面对斡儿答兀鲁思汗位危机发生的原因进行了讨论。

The four Mongolian Khanates: Yuan,Kipchak Khanate,Chaghatai-Ogodei Khanate and Ilkhanate,were all involved in the throne crisis of Orda Ulus,the left wing of Jochi Ulus,at the beginning of the 14thcentury,an event having influence beyond where it happened and on Mongol Empire political process. However,historical materials about this event are rare and scattered in Persian historical recordings of Ilkhanate and in the Arabian Mamluk Chronicle. This paper is to sort out and restore the process of the event by comparing and analyzing these Moslem documents and to discuss the causes for the throne crisis of Orda Ulus from both the succession tradition of Orda and its diplomatic independence.

<正>2010年11月9～10日,由北京大学外国语学院亚非语专业伊朗文化研究中心主办的第五届"伊朗学在中国"学术研讨会在北京大学召开。"伊朗学在中国"由北京大学波斯语专业主办,是目前国内唯一以伊朗—波斯语言文化为主题的学术会议。此次会议共有来自北京大学、清华大

The author studies a piece of world map which is relevant to Mongol World Empire.This map was drawn in Ilkhanid era and embodied in an encyclopaedia discovered in Iran recently.As an exemplum of the Sino-Islamic cultural exchange,the author thinks that this map indicates the typical character of Mongol Era.This map refers to many famous placenames of Asia,Europe and Africa.Focusing on these placenames,the author discusses the Mongol rulers' ideology of the world and their enthusiasm for obtaining the new geography knowledg.The transmission of Islamic geography knowledg in China and the limitation during this process are also discribed here.

Land apportionment was an important practice in the Mongol Empire, and Mongol conquerors used this practice to control and administer occupied regions effectively. In this article, the author will take the Shanxi prefecture as an example and discuss factors which influenced changes in land apportionment practices during the Mongol Empire. This article's author believes that during the early Mongol Empire, land apportionment was closely connected to the Mongol conduct of conquest. Every prince who fought to conquer a certain region could obtain a portion of that region as a reward after it was defeated. And, speaking from a broader perspective, political struggles within different factions of the Great Qan's family also had a major influence on changes in apanage. First, this article demonstrates that Ogedei, Tolei, and their brothers (the sons of Chinggis Qan) all fought against the Jurchen army in the Shanxi prefecture. Consequently, after the war, they all received their own apanages in this region, and it was not controlled simply by Chaghatai and Jochi as is traditionally believed. Ogedei's apanage was in the northern portion of the Shanxi prefecture. Second, the article discusses the fact that elections of the Great Qan resulted in great antagonism during the Mongol Empire. The families of Chaghatai and Jochi took advantage of election periods to expand their power and weaken their opponents. However, after Monke was elected to the position of Great Qan, the family of Tolei, especially Qubilai, won greater influence in the southern portion of the Shanxi prefecture. Finally, the author also indicates that land apportionment was introduced by the Mongols into sedentary society from the steppe. Consequently, this practice evinced several unique characteristics: it was not based on the traditional Chinese district system, but on the census (population-based) system developed under Mongol rule; and, furthermore, as the political situation within the empire changed, so too did the practice of land apportionment.