Ar-Raniry State Islamic University Banda Aceh (Bahasa Indonesia: Universitas Islam Negeri Ar-Raniry Banda Aceh or it is simply called UIN Ar-Raniry (UINAR), is a public Islamic university in Banda Aceh, Aceh Province, Indonesia. The University is run under the auspices of the Ministry of Religious Affairs of the Republic of Indonesia.
This article presents a comprehensive examination of the impact of Islamic education on vulnerable groups, particularly women and children, at Dayah Diniyyah Darussalam in West Aceh. The primary objective of this study is to explore how Islamic education functions as both a source of religious knowledge and a transformative force that empowers women and supports the development of children within the dayah environment. This research employs a qualitative, ethnographic approach. The study collects data through prolonged observation, in-depth interviews, and documentation. The data were analyzed using the iceberg analysis model throughout the research process, enabling the researchers to uncover observable practices and deeper structural and cultural patterns. The analytical process concludes with a synthesis phase to ensure that the conclusions accurately represent the overall findings. The results indicate that Islamic education at Dayah Diniyyah Darussalam extends beyond doctrinal instruction; it actively catalyzes social transformation by strengthening women’s capacities, increasing their participation in community life, and fostering a sense of agency. For children, Islamic education promotes balanced intellectual, emotional, moral, and spiritual growth. The study also emphasizes that Islamic education advocacy plays a crucial role in shaping future educational orientations and policy frameworks, particularly in contexts with similar socio-cultural characteristics. The implications of this research extend beyond West Aceh and offer valuable insights for education policymakers, Islamic education practitioners, and stakeholders seeking to adopt or adapt similar community-based educational models.
Istifham is one of the rhetorical styles (uslub balaghah) frequently employed in the Qur`an. Its use does not always indicate a genuine question; rather, it often serves rhetorical purposes such as affirmation, reproach, warning, and denial. This study aims to analyze the forms of adawat al-istifham (interrogative particles) and their rhetorical functions in Surah Al-Mulk. This research employs a qualitative approach using the library research method. The primary data consist of verses containing istifham in Surah Al-Mulk, while the secondary data are derived from classical and contemporary Qur`anic exegeses, books on Arabic rhetoric (balaghah), and relevant scholarly literature. The analysis was conducted through the identification of adawat al-istifham, examination of Qur`anic interpretations, and rhetorical analysis based on the context of each verse. The findings reveal five forms of adawat al-istifham in the selected verses of Surah Al-Mulk, namely hal, alam, hamzah, awalam, and man. These interrogative particles perform four rhetorical functions: taqriri (affirmation) in verses 3 and 19, taubikhi (reproach) in verse 8, tahdidi (warning or threat) in verse 16, and inkari (denial) in verse 30. The study demonstrates that istifham in Surah Al-Mulk is not employed as a genuine inquiry seeking information, but rather as a rhetorical device that reinforces the messages of monotheism, warning, and reflection upon Allah’s power. Therefore, the meaning and function of istifham in the Qur`an are highly influenced by the context of the verse and the communicative purpose intended.
The Board for Peace (BoP), established by President Trump, is integral to the execution of the America-First and transactional strategy. This board indicates a transition in international collaboration from multilateralism under the UN mandate to a multi-corporate framework for handling the post-conflict transition in Gaza. This article analyses the legitimacy of the BoP under international law and the ramifications of Indonesia's permanent membership and its allocation of one billion US dollars to the BoP, while also evaluating its implications for Palestinian sovereignty and the international legal system. This research utilizes an interdisciplinary approach that combines international law, political economy, and international relations. The research indicates that the creation of the BoP was prompted by UN Security Council Resolution 2803, although it has diverged from the resolution's aims. Moreover, the BoP has invalidated the 2024 Advisory Opinion of the International Court of Justice (ICJ) about the Palestinian people's right to self-determination. Moreover, the BoP, which possesses a comprehensive strategy for Gaza's reconstruction post-Israel's devastation, represents an infringement on the rights of the Palestinian populace in Gaza, undermines Palestinian sovereignty, overlooks the Palestinian Authority, and imposes a fiscal obligation on nations, especially permanent members like Indonesia. This paper asserts that the BoP framework is designed exclusively to sustain informal imperialism that advantages Israel, hinders the two-state solution, and constrains Indonesia’s foreign policy—ideally independent and proactive—under the influence of U.S. interests during the Trump administration.
This article analyzes the position of artificial intelligence (AI) in the practice of Islamic fatwa using the hadith and Maqasid Sharia approaches. The study focuses on four main aspects: studying the concept and characteristics of artificial intelligence, understanding the implications of Islamic ethics for AI regulation, analyzing the hadith of the Prophet Muhammad (PBUH) regarding AI Fatwa, and evaluating the use of AI in fatwas based on Maqasid Sharia. This study uses a qualitative method based on library research by examining the books of mu'tabarah hadith, classical works of usul fiqh, and contemporary literature related to technology and Islamic law. The results show that AI is an instrumental computing system that works based on data and algorithms, which lacks intention, moral awareness, and sharia responsibility. The analysis of the hadith confirms that the authority of fatwa in sharia is only valid for scholars who meet the requirements of knowledge and moral integrity. From the perspective of Maqasid Syari'ah, AI can be justified as a supporting instrument (wasilah), such as in researching evidence, processing data, and mapping scholarly opinions, as long as the final decision remains with the mufti. Thus, AI does not function as an independent fatwa issuer, but rather as a tool that must be guided by the principle of prudence, Islamic ethics, and the objectives of sharia.
Geothermal energy has continuously received a range of government incentives in the last decades. However, the research investigating the effectiveness of those incentives, particularly the interest rate subsidy, is relatively limited. Therefore, we are interested in exploring this gap at the project level by emphasizing green-field geothermal projects. This is relevant as green-field geothermal projects are carrying high financial risks during their early development stages that limit their access to a cheaper financing market. The study is carried out by employing Monte Carlo Simulation to examine the investment of a 55 MW green-field geothermal energy project and to analyze the extent of impact of interest rate subsidy on the project viability applied to a selected greenfield geothermal project as the case study. The simulation results show that, without an interest rate subsidy, the project's mean Internal Rate of Return (IRR) is 10.31%, a level generally considered too low for high-risk greenfield investments. Introducing a 50% interest rate subsidy raises the mean IRR to 11.27% and increases the probability of achieving an IRR ≥ 10% from 79% to 98.36%. These findings indicate that while interest rate subsidies improve project financial viability, the improvement is modest relative to the 14–16% IRR typically expected by private investors for greenfield geothermal projects, suggesting that interest rate subsidy alone may be insufficient without complementary policy instruments.