La evolución de la salud pública a finales del siglo xviii y comienzos del xix suele interpretarse desde los ideales de la Ilustración, con énfasis en la higiene, la salud pública y la policía médica (medizinische Polizey). Inicialmente vistas como una fuerza progresista, estas ideas fueron reevaluadas tarde por historiadores en el siglo xx, quienes destacaron las dinámicas de poder y las desigualdades en el acceso a la atención médica. Este cambio en la historiografía trajo un nuevo enfoque hacia individuos marginados y problemas sociales, todos vistos a través del prisma de la medicalización. En la monarquía de los Habsburgo, María Teresa y José II impulsaron reformas para centralizar y modernizar el Estado, lo que afectó a la salud pública y a la educación médica. Muchas de estas medidas surgieron en respuesta a las debilidades reveladas por las guerras de Sucesión Austríaca (1740-1748). En el ámbito, estas reformas culminaron en la creación de la Staatsarzneikunde, disciplina que integraba la policía médica, la medicina forense y la administración sanitaria. Su incorporación a los planes académicos buscaba preparar a los médicos para funciones dentro del aparato estatal y fortalecer la gestión pública de la salud. Francisco II continuó con estas reformas. La implementación práctica de estas reformas dependía de un sistema burocrático robusto, apoyado por la legislación y una red jerárquica de Administración médica. A pesar de las críticas y desafíos, estas medidas marcaron un paso significativo hacia un sistema de salud moderno, reflejando una compleja interacción entre la ciencia médica y el poder estatal.
Desde el Trienio Constitucional el emergente parlamentarismo español fue un espacio a través del que algunos médicos españoles comenzaron a colocar su agenda en las instituciones políticas, además de influir desde las mismas en la elaboración de las nuevas leyes sanitarias, en un intento de reorganizar la sanidad y la salud pública en el país según los principios liberales. En esta cuestión interactuaron, por una parte, el interés de las instituciones y de las élites políticas —liberales, pero también absolutistas— por ocuparse de la salud pública, y por otra, la estrategia del grupo profesional médico para monopolizar la autoridad en el campo de la salud y mejorar su imagen, su estatus social y situarse entre las élites de una sociedad en proceso de reconfiguración durante las primeras décadas del siglo xix, adaptándose a las lógicas liberales. Que hubiese médicos en el Parlamento implicados en la redacción de leyes sanitarias o adscritos a las comisiones relacionadas con la salud pública era decisivo para alcanzar los objetivos prioritarios de los médicos españoles. En este artículo abordamos las implicaciones políticas y profesionales de la estrategia del colectivo profesional médico entre las décadas de 1830 a 1860, tras la fértil experiencia de los médicos parlamentarios en las Cortes del Trienio Constitucional. Nos centramos en las estrategias que los sectores progresistas de este grupo profesional activaron para tenerpresencia en los ámbitos de poder; esta conexión entre la profesión y unas corrientes políticas concretas, particularmente el progresismo, tuvo sus ventajas e inconvenientes. Asimismo, examinamos las implicaciones discursivas y prácticas de esta estrategia, mostrando que la participación política de los médicos contribuyó a alcanzar el reconocimiento de su autoridad experta en el campo de la salud que apuntaló el ascenso social de los médicos como grupo, permitiendo que llegaran a formar parte de las «fuerzas vivas» de la sociedad española varias décadas más tarde.
El artículo examina cómo se configuró la mirada clínica de los psiquiatras españoles en torno a los problemas sociales y los movimientos revolucionarios en España entre 1880-1923. Para ello, se toma en cuenta cómo las inquietudes y estrategias profesionales marcaron sus discursos y visiones de la protesta social. En una primera parte, se explica por qué hasta la década de 1910 analizaron los problemas sociales y las revoluciones exclusivamente desde una perspectiva clínica individual, dejando de lado las interpretaciones psicopatológicas de carácter colectivo. Se muestra que la debilidad de la psiquiatría decimonónica y el desinterés del Estado por sus propuestas llevó a los psiquiatras a focalizar en los peritajes psiquiátricos los esfuerzos de legitimación social de la profesión, centrando su interés en las cuestiones clínicas y los comportamientos individuales, especialmente en el caso de los anarquistas y regicidas. En la segunda parte, se estudia que desde 1910, a raíz de la situación del país y del creciente papel de la medicina en su regeneración, los psiquiatras incorporan progresivamente una visión psicopatológica de los movimientos revolucionarios y de sus líderes en clave colectiva, patologizando la protesta social y política. Las fuentes utilizadas han sido publicaciones en revistas especializadas, artículos en prensa general, conferencias, peritajes psiquiátricos y tratados de psiquiatría y criminología.
Este artículo aborda la profesionalización de la medicina en el Imperio otomano tardío durante un período de profundos cambios políticos. Examina el impacto de la educación médica y su politización durante las últimas décadas del imperio. En concreto, el estudio se centra en la influencia que tuvo el auge mundial de la medicina moderna en el siglo xix sobre el paradigma de modernización que dominaba en la Escuela Militar de Medicina de Estambul. El trabajo se basa en las memorias de los unionistas, especialmente las escritas por médicos, y en fuentes documentales procedentes de los Archivos Otomanos de la Primera Secretaría del Primer Ministro. Una nueva generación de estudiantes de medicina durante el reinado de Abdulhamid II (1876-1909) percibía la medicina moderna y las escuelas modernas emergentes como instrumentos de movilidad social y política al servicio de un Estado otomano en crisis. La solución a esta crisis se reflejaba en los conceptos de modernización y progreso, y evolucionó hacia una clara demanda de monarquía constitucional por parte de algunos médicos y estudiantes de medicina durante la era hamidiana. La organización secreta fundada por estudiantes de medicina con el objetivo de fortalecer el imperio frente a las potencias occidentales y a los micronacionalismos se transformó en la fuerza opositora más importante: el Comité de Unión y Progreso. Este comité presionó al sultán para que restituyera la Constitución y el Parlamento, lo que condujo a un cambio fundamental en la historia política otomana, conocido como la Revolución de 1908 (o de los Jóvenes Turcos). El estudio se centra en las aspiraciones nacionalistas de los médicos y en cómo estas interactuaban y se superponían con su identidad profesional.
El artículo explora el nacionalismo de los médicos checos (étnicos) dirigidos a sus colegas alemanes (étnicos) durante la segunda mitad del siglo xix en las tierras checas, que formaron parte de la monarquía multinacional Habsburgo. «Cuestiones nacionales» fueron discutidas por médicos y laicos en revistas médicas de médicos checos y alemanes, médicos editaron memorias, así como prensa general en lenguas checa y alemana. Además de analizar estas fuentes, mi investigación se centra también en las instituciones que eran focos de rivalidades nacionalistas. El estudio aborda, por tanto, la cuestión de la introducción de la lengua checa en la enseñanza en la Universidad Carolina, los esfuerzos por dividir la universidad en la checa y en la alemana, las condiciones desiguales después de esta división, la desigualdad en cuanto a los puestos de dirección y los puestos asalariados en los hospitales y las clínicas, ilustradas por el famoso tema de las clínicas.
Studies on organicism in interwar Europe have largely focused on identifying convergences and divergences among various models-fascism, social Catholicism-while consistently emphasizing its anti-liberal character and the authoritarian matrix that underpins it. However, there is another history that does not contradict this narrative, but rather complements and enriches it. Organicism is an ambiguous term which, in the context of interwar Europe, did not assume a univocal meaning. It lent itself to interpretations far removed from the authoritarianism that brought an end to the long liberal summer inaugurated after the Franco-Prussian War. Specifically, this pluralist variant called for a dismantling of national sovereignty -the foundational myth of liberal revolutions-based on the reality of intermediate social groups: local communities, trade unions, associations, cooperatives...To follow the metaphor, the various articulations of the body were to possess enough autonomy not to become atrophied by the central nervous system- the State. This article analyzes the pluralist proposals of Luigi Sturzo and Ramiro de Maeztu within a shared context: the experience of the Great War, their time in London and involvement in contemporary intellectual circles, and the Catholic ethos that shaped both thinkers' political visions
On 1 August 1876, the Law on Agricultural Education was passed. This law was intended to modernise the situation of the primary sector through the instruction of the Spanish peasantry. To this purpose, the Law deployed a wide range of initiatives, among which was the holding of a lecture with agrarian content every Sunday in all the town halls of the country. The aim of this text is to analyse the process of creation and implementation of the agricultural conferences developed under this Law. For this reason, it has been necessary to use various sources, especially primary documentation in archives and newspaper and periodical publications. The article presents the course of this initiative, which essentially took place over four academic years, between 1876 and 1880, showing the difficulties encountered in the implementation of an extremely ambitious experience, as well as the successes obtained during the process.
This article examines the creation of private security forces and public-private forms of security in Spain and Portugal between the late nineteenth century and the years leading up to the Great War. Drawing on the study of three medium-sized cities in the rural periphery of both countries and on legal, press, and archival sources, it analyses the activities of private security actors and forces, as well as the private use of public force and its potential privatization. The main objectives are, first, to assess whether these groups could have been part of a hybrid public-private model of police deployment and public order management, which played a significant role in extending the state's repressive capacity and consolidating its administrative apparatus. Second, to evaluate whether this mixed model also contributed substantially to covering peripheral rural areas.
This article proposes a concept, that of negative tradition, and develops it historically from the example of France and the French Revolution. The objective is to show and explain on the basis of his writings how there are historical traditions that should be understood not so much in a positive key as in a negative or condemnatory one, in this case against or contrary to the French revolutionary event. To this end, the intellectual history and the memory contrary to the French Revolution of the last two centuries are reviewed and the different forms of influence, dialogue and updating among its main representatives are analysed, from Burke, Barruel or De Maistre to contemporary authors such as Secher, Chaunu or the collective work The Black Book of the French Revolution, passing through Taine, Cochin, Gaxotte, Bainville, Maurras or Talmon. Among other things, it is observed that this negative tradition is defined by its dynamism, its discontinuity, its plurality, its complexity, its pragmatic and aggregative character or different forms of porosity with the positive tradition of the French Revolution.
During late Francoism, Christian democracy appeared as one of the ideologies with the greatest political options in the new democratic scenario that would open up after Franco's death. These expectations very soon turned to the figure who at that time embodied the highest representation of this spectrum, Joaquin Ruiz-Gimenez, president of Democratic Left (ID). Despite such expectations, the forecasts were never fulfilled. Through unpublished material from Joaquin Ruiz-Gimenez's personal archive, this article aims to take a journey through the history of ID, from when Ruiz-Gimenez assumed its presidency in 1969, until the party dissolved in 1979. The objective is to analyze the ideological and strategic problems of the formation, the relations and searches for confluences with other political parties, the difficulties introduced by the Spanish political context and the singular personality of Ruiz-Gimenez, in order to understand the reasons for one of the most striking failures of the Transition.
Police forces during Spanish Restauraci & oacute;n have been studied primarily in their role as a repressive force of protest and very tangentially in its development as an institution designed to guarantee the law and prosecute crime. This research incorporates approaches applied to other contemporary police systems to address two questions: the extent to which police modernization occurred in Spain between 1908 and 1923 to meet the challenges of the new urban life and how to characterize the Restauraci & oacute;n as a regime of rights and liberties in the light of everyday police practices. The case study chosen is the city of Madrid and the primary sources obtained from the court records including police reports, affidavits, and other police, that provides us very rich information on police action. The analysis is divided into three sections. First, the study of the different actors involved in the maintenance of order in the streets, which shows the dependence of the police on other auxiliary figures such as doormen, janitors, street night watchmen. Second, the introduction of new identification technologies following a increasingly interest in exercising control over the identity of citizens. Thirdly, the implementation of crime prevention strategies by judges and security forces based on an excessive use of imprisonment and arrests, mostly executed upon popular classes.
The recovery, access, collection, and addressing of the methodological complexities arising from the study of the mortality recorded at the Nazi concentration camp at Mauthausen have enabled historiography to produce highly precise overall assessments regarding the elevated levels of violence that occurred and were deliberately concealed within the facility. However, the Spanish case remained pending a necessary revision that would situate it within the European debate on Nazi deportation. Building on the ongoing efforts and following a meticulous analysis of the documentation salvaged from the camp; the listings compiled by the American authorities responsible for investigating war crimes in the camp after Liberation; the volumes published by the French Ministry for Veterans and War Victims; the existing and accessible lists of survivors; documentation produced during the post-war period; and the more than twenty databases from projects as ambitious as that of the Austrian Mauthausen Memorial, it has been possible to develop a new analysis of Spanish mortality in the Austrian camp based on an essentially definitive accounting. The results obtained allow for the identification of significant patterns in the murder of Spaniards, an operation concentrated between 1941 and 1942 that became particularly systematic in the Gusen subcamp and in Hartheim Castle. The final outcome of these measures was an extremely high mortality rate among this cohort, which stood at fifteen percentage points above the camp's average.
The idea of the existence of two Spains appears frequently in Miguel de Unamuno's work. It directly derives from the dualist perspective with which he often viewed existence and according to which he considered that the key to life lies in the confrontation between two realities. Thus, for the Basque intellectual, national life necessarily results from the conflict between two Spains, which acquire different characterisations depending on the issue in dispute or the period under analysis. From this approach, this paper aims to explore how the idea of a third Spain might fit into Unamuno's thought as a whole. Through an overview of the development of his interpretation of the confrontation between the two Spains, and an analysis of notions closely linked to it such as civil war, uncivil war, anti-Spain, alterutralidad, and hunos y hotros, this work offers a reflection on whether or not this central concept of Spanish recent history can be found in Unamuno.
The purpose of this article is to explore, from a gender perspective, the way Spanish male fascists interpreted the sexual transgressions committed by their female comrades in the single party FET de las DONS. To achieve this, it draws on a sample of disciplinary files on female Falangists initiated between 1938 and 1943. In these records, the Falangists were accused of being << frivolous >>, << licentious >>, or << prostitutes >>, and consequently processed for << degrading or offensive conduct >>. The analysis of this documentation yields two main conclusions intended to contribute to the debate on power relations within Spanish fascism. First, that the internal justice of FET-DONS operated as an effective disciplinary mechanism in internal repression against their own members for any violation of the gender order. Second, that the female Falangists, aligned with the victors and beneficiaries of the privileges that their affiliation provided them over ordinary women, were simultaneously victims of the policies and inequality, in the form of a sexual double standard, that they were supporting with their militancy.
In 1898, Alberto Aguilera, in his capacity as Civil Governor, passed the Police Regulation for the Concierges of Madrid. The main objective of its articles was to take advantage of the potential of these employees in surveillance tasks and turn them into auxiliaries of the authorities. This work draws on legislation as well as on newspaper and judicial sources to study the problematic articulation of police activity and the informal control tasks carried out by the concierges. The piece starts by looking at the context of the shortcomings of the Spanish public security structure in a context marked by rapid urbanisation as well as the centralisation and professionalisation of the state police apparatus. It goes on to analyse Aguilera's project and pays special attention to the intersection of the public and private spheres, which is evidenced by the assignment of quasi-police tasks to private-sector workers. The article concludes with an examination of the concerns expressed by the neighbourhood about the measure -which was eventually repealed due to the opposition of owners, tenants and concierges- as an invasion of their privacy and rights. The study proves that the processes of modernising public security showed their structural weaknesses with the use of non-police auxiliaries and met with a certain degree of resistance. It also shows that, despite the failure of this initiative, similar laws were passed in the following decades and the use of concierges became ingrained in police culture and practice.
This article analyses the action and strategies implemented in Lisbon to prevent and prosecute crime in a period of modernization and growth of the city. Since 1867, the members of a new police force, the Civil Police of Lisbon, patrolled the streets and intervened in the daily life of the population with the function of maintaining order and the security of individuals and property. The police regulations established a very diversified set of activities to be carried out by the police officers, with special emphasis on the prevention and prosecution of crime. Until 1910, the Civil Police developed its own organisational dynamics, increasing the number of its personnel and setting up specialised units, particularly in criminal investigation. This process was similar to that undertaken by police forces in other European and American cities. After the fall of the monarchy, the Civil Police experienced several reforms and was renamed << Civic Police >>. Using a wide range of sources, statistical data of the time, police and judicial documents, press and literature, this article describes and interprets the formation and consolidation of the Civil Police of Lisbon as the main force for the prevention and repression of crime. It considers its internal dynamics, the constraints on its performance and the relationship of its members with the population, which often resisted their interventions.
The organization in Portugal of the Guarda Nacional Republicana during the First Republic (1910-1926) meant a milestone in the maintenance of public order because it became the first police with presence in the whole country. Although some scholars have pointed out the influence of some European gendarmerie models on this process, few studies have addressed this topic. This article analyzes the reception, reformulation and effect of the model of the Guardia Civil, and its impact on the foundation and deployment of the GNR. On the one hand, it studies the discourses on the Spanish gendarmerie with the aim of identifying the meanings and representations associated to the idea of the Guardia Civil, as well as the reconceptualization of the Spanish gendarmerie model. On the other hand, the article examines the public policies and legal regulations that shaped the GNR, comparing its characteristics with the Guardia Civil's features in order to verify to what extent the Portuguese governments were inspired by the Spanish force. It concludes that the Guardia Civil archetype was a major reference in the design of the GNR. The republican elites used this institutional format in a strategic and selective manner, highlighting some of its attributes and removing others. Furthermore, the existence of a number of common traits in both forces that were not present in the French Gendarmerie allows to elaborate an Iberian gendarmerie model, understood as a variation of the ideal type of gendarmerie, which has been built on the French organizational matrix.
Los estudios sobre el organicismo durante la Europa de entreguerras han concentrado los esfuerzos en identificar convergencias y divergencias entre distintos modelos —fascismo, catolicismo social—, pero siempre subrayando el antiliberalismo y la matriz autoritaria que lo sustenta. Sin embargo, existe otra historia que no es antagónica a la anterior, sino que la completa y la enriquece. El organicismo es una palabra ambigua que en el contexto del periodo de entreguerras europeo no asumió un significado unívoco. Se prestó a polisemias alejadas del autoritarismo que liquidó el largo verano liberal inaugurado tras el fin de la guerra franco-prusiana. En concreto, esta variante pluralista reclamó un proceso de desarticulación de la soberanía nacional, mito fundacional de las revoluciones liberales, a partir de la realidad de los grupos sociales intermedios: núcleos locales, sindicatos, asociaciones, cooperativas… Siguiendo la metáfora, las distintas articulaciones del cuerpo debían tener la suficiente autonomía para no acabar atrofiadas por el centro neurálgico —el Estado—. El artículo analiza las propuestas pluralistas de Luigi Sturzo y Ramiro de Maeztu bajo un contexto común: la experiencia de la Gran Guerra, la estadía de ambos en Londres y su participación en los círculos intelectuales del momento, y el ethos católico que moldeó la visión de la política de ambos intelectual.
