The portrait of a young man dressed in black, painted by Giorgio Domenico Dupr & agrave; (1689-1770) in 1726, was acquired by the University of Coimbra in 2023 and constitutes the starting point for the present study. Based on the analysis of documentary sources and comparable contemporary iconographic repertories, the article first proposes the identification of the sitter as Prince Jos & eacute; (1714-1777). This proposal confers a remarkable singularity on the work, as the prince is depicted in sober attire and without insignia or other attributes usually associated with his representation. Such an option contrasts with the contemporary definition of the iconographic elements generally included in his portraits and raises several questions that are also addressed in the study. The essay further proposes an interpretation of the elements that compose the figure's attire, which may be understood in light of the academic dress and its symbolic relationship with the culture of erudition promoted by King Jo & atilde;o V in the first decades of his reign. Finally, the article examines the painting's provenance, identifying some of its most recent owners, including King Manuel II(1889-1932) and Hubert Guerrand-Herm & egrave;s (1940-2015).
This article analyzes the consolidation of the Atlantic Route as a space shaped by necropolitics and crisscrossed by resistances. As a maritime border and gateway to the European Union, this route has been subject to control policies aimed at curbing migration from the Global South. Far from halting migratory flows, these measures have increased deaths and disappearances at sea, revealing a system of migration governance grounded in colonial and racialized logics that determine & laquo;who is able to live and who must die & raquo;. However, in the face of these dynamics, diverse forms of resistance emerge, led by migrants themselves, their communities of origin, and social organizations engaged in support and advocacy. Drawing on a literature review with an applied approach, the article argues that necropolitics along the Atlantic Route cannot be understood without these resistances, and questions whether they manage to reverse it or merely mitigate its effects.
How can cinema actively participate in the disputes over memory? Focusing on the short film Dreams of a Revolution (2023), directed by Pedro Neves, we propose to think about cinema and, more specifically, documentary, as a vehicle for (counter)discourses about reality. Through the novels The Tuner of Silences (2022) by Mia Couto and O Museu da Revolu & ccedil;& atilde;o (2021) by Jo & atilde;o Paulo Borges Coelho, Pedro Neves questions the weight of Portuguese colonialism in the present, highlighting the role of filmic language in this process. From the discussion on the categorization of documentary as a genre, this article illuminates the complexity of this exercise in light of the relationship between cinema and the idea of truth. Finally, the analysis of Dreams of a Revolution re-updates this discussion, highlighting the role of cinema (more specifically, of documentary) in the critical interpellation of collective memory.
Historically linked to prostitution, human trafficking (HT) is a contested concept. In several countries, anti-trafficking policies treat it as equivalent to sex work, generating tensions between institutionalized categories and the perceptions and experiences of sex workers. Portugal is distinctive in not establishing this equivalence, making it possible to assess whether such tensions persist in contexts where anti-trafficking and anti-prostitution agendas do not overlap. Based on six semi-structured interviews, this article examines how a with the international definition of the phenomenon and the associated profile of the & laquo;ideal victim & raquo;. The findings suggest that the organization adopts a narrower understanding of HT than that set out in international law, viewing trafficking as occurring only when there is deception about the nature of the work to be performed in the destination country in the context of transnational migration.
This paper studies the political mobilisation and propaganda of Portuguese exiles in Brazil and the United States after the Second World War, when the Allied victory over the Fascist powers raised hopes for the end of the Salazar dictatorship and the return of democracy. The aim of this article is to analyse some of the most significant propaganda and agitation actions carried out by exiles in the immediate post-war period, in an attempt to promote and legitimise their cause among Portuguese immigrants in America.
Gabriela Mistral was one of the world's literary figures who led the most intense wandering life. While the Portuguese period of those wanderings around the world is little known, this article seeks to shed light on the timeframe from 1935 to 1937, particularly her inclusion in the 'Cultural Embassy of 1935'. Contrary to the usual undervaluation of the importance of this stage, we discover that it ultimately left profound marks on Mistral's life, namely through her spiritual encounter with Miguel de Unamuno and the consolidation of her diplomatic career. Mistral's time in the city and at the University of Coimbra is also discussed.
This research identifies the mechanisms of criminal governance in migratory transit through the Colombian Dari & eacute;n, specifically in the Urab & aacute; region of Antioquia and Choc & oacute;, between 2021 and 2024. Using a qualitative design, the process tracing method, and a single-case study, 18 interviews were conducted with local actors, operators, and officials. Theoretically, the study proposes a convergence between political new institutionalism, criminal governance, and criminal political order to analyze the causal links of the process identified when opening the & laquo;black box & raquo;: explicit rules, standardized extraction, protection and services, route coordination, and functional legitimacy. The findings demonstrate the configuration of a criminal order of migration in this region through the maintenance of these five links. It is concluded that there exists a criminal government of migration as a parallel institutional framework that reproduces state functions while simultaneously legitimizing itself through alternative means.
Brazil has become home to many migrants and refugees. In light of this, the present study seeks to map the profile of migrants arriving in Brazil and to understand the challenges involved in teaching Portuguese as a Host Language (PHL), taking into account aspects that go beyond language itself. This is a theoretical study grounded in scholars who address migration processes in Brazil, such as Uebel and Ruckert (2017) and Junger da Silva et al. (2023), as well as in authors who focus on PHL, including Amado (2013), Bulegon and Soares (2019), Grosso (2010), Pereira (2017), and Sene (2017). The analysis revealed that migrants and refugees in Brazil come from diverse national backgrounds and profiles, and that PHL is characterized by its focus on meeting urgent language-related demands. However, this form of instruction also involves additional challenges, including social and cultural issues, as well as migratory experiences, emotional conditions, and socioeconomic circumstances, all of which directly impact teaching and learning processes.
Since the early modern period, the history of migration and the history of European colonialism have been intertwined, but there are still many aspects of this relationship to be explored. In the case of the Portuguese colonial empire in the 20th century, in addition to the study of "white settlement", there are works on labour migration within each colony, between colonies, and abroad. This article discusses the discursive practices and policies of the Portuguese empire regarding colonial migration and its appropriation by a group of colonised, based on the case of a Cape Verdean who, in the context of the ecological crisis of the 1940s-when Cape Verde faced two periods of prolonged drought, famine and high mortality-and state incentives for Portuguese migration to Angola and Mozambique, sought the support of the Ministry of Colonies for the settlement of Cape Verdean families in the central Angolan plateau. One concludes that in the immediate aftermath of World War II, Cape Verdeans' claims to imperial mobility were still faced with a close link between race, migratory destination and forms of work within the empire.
This study examines Jos & eacute; Afonso's (1929-1987) musical intervention program in Portuguese society between 1969 and the Carnation Revolution. It explores the ideological roots of his project and its critical dialogue with neorealist cultural as a source of collective identity and pedagogy, but later redefined this framework by incorporating urban and popular music. He argued that light music could only become genuinely popular if it conveyed shared social experiences, collective values, and everyday forms of life, and if it was appropriated by the people beyond purely commercial mechanisms. His aim was to raise cultural literacy and resist the "aesthetic contamination" promoted by the Estado Novo, promoting music as an instrument of ethical, aesthetic, and social transformation.
The subject of this essay is a text from a codex revealed and transcribed by Pedro Pinto, which is neither dated nor has a specific addressee. Pinto suggests that it is a draft for an unspecified embassy of the royal ambassador Pedro Mascarenhas to Italy, before 1538. The document/minute aims to obtain information on the political, social, ecclesiastical, economic, military, technical and artistic aspects of the territories visited. The comparison with the Portuguese reality is always underlying, in a survey whose purpose is to collect concrete, documentary, regimental and material information, and even iconographic records, as is the case of heraldic information. Considering the nature and final form of the document, we believe that it was intended to be a kind of general "regiment", like others that ambassadors carried at the behest of the king, and that it was a document of greater scope and surprising modernity.
Migration occupies a central place in the Mediterranean, where concerns related to security, protection of persons and regional cooperation coexist in a context of tension. This article examines the international parliamentary debate on migration through the analysis of two International Parliamentary Organisations (IPOs), the Parliamentary Assembly of the Mediterranean (PAM) and the Parliamentary Assembly of the Union for the Mediterranean (PA-UfM). Drawing on a qualitative comparative analysis of resolutions and recommendations, the article examines the political framings produced within these forums and the differences associated with their institutional and geographical contexts. The analysis shows that the PAM tends to link migration to regional stability, maritime security, and the fight against trafficking, whereas the PA-UfM privileges readings connected to employment, socio-economic inequalities, climate change, and cooperation. The article highlights the role of IPOs in structuring the regional debate on migration, while underlining both their limits and their political relevance.
This article analyses the life journeys of Cabo Verdean women living in Paris, and, from these, discuss the Cabo Verdean presence in France in its multiple and complex realities. The three life stories presented allow an examination of the Cabo Verdean migratory reality in Europe today, and its capillarity built on extensive family networks. Additionally gives visibility to the, historically and sociologically, neglected female migration field study, discussing the configuration of female immigration and the place of migrant women in Cabo Verdean society and in the diaspora, and the place of kinship structures and family organisation in these complex mobility processes.
This article provides a comparative qualitative analysis of asylum management practices in Portugal and Spain from 2008 to 2024. It draws on an examination of legislative frameworks, government programs, statistical data, and institutional reports. The analysis explores how the dynamics of European integration and externalization have been adopted within these two distinct national contexts. Despite the European Union's aim for regulatory harmonization, the findings reveal that national variations continue to exist, influenced by geographical location, migration pressures, and institutional capabilities. In Portugal, the process of European integration has been largely formal, characterized by rapid adoption of regulations but limited administrative consolidation and low levels of externalization. In contrast, Spain has experienced ongoing migration pressure and has opted for a more operational and security-focused approach, emphasizing strong externalization strategies. The article concludes that these differing trajectories highlight structural weaknesses within the Common European Asylum System.
This article investigates the formation of a revolutionary intellectual culture in Brazil between 1968 and 1979, a period marked by tension between the military dictatorship and the emergence of a generation influenced by Western Marxism, existentialism, and the counterculture. Through an analysis of the intellectual environment that culminated in the founding of the Workers' Party, with particular attention to the influential work of Paulo Freire, the study examines how ideas, books, and academic networks functioned as instruments of cultural and political transformation. It argues that, rather than representing mere ideological radicalization, this period witnessed the consolidation of a new epistemology within Brazilian universities, especially at the University of S & atilde;o Paulo, characterized by the centrality of praxis, a critique of scientific neutrality, and a belief in the formation of a "new man." By combining the history of ideas, the sociology of intellectuals, and an analysis of the university field, the article demonstrates that the intellectual culture forged in the 1960s and 1970s decisively shaped the political imagination of subsequent decades.
This paper develops a contract-theoretic model of trade-based money laundering (TBML) in which misinvoicing emerges as an optimal response to non-scalable verification. Firms choose not only the magnitude and direction of misinvoicing, but also the complexity of trade contracts and the coherence of multi-document shipping bundles in order to minimise expected enforcement losses. Verification institutions face informational and behavioural constraints that become increasingly fragile as documentation complexity rises. The model shows that higher penalties or audit intensity do not necessarily deter TBML and may instead induce greater opacity and document engineering. Plausibility constraints, document unbundling, and verification design play a more central role than penalty escalation. The analysis explains persistent empirical detection gaps and the evolution of sophisticated TBML typologies observed in the literature. The paper reframes TBML as a problem of endogenous contract design under verification frictions, with implications for enforcement strategy, welfare, and future empirical identification.
This paper develops a theory of how social trust shapes the relationship between overinclusive formal rules, social norms, and legal enforcement. I first present a static model in which individuals face a rule that forbids an action that is sometimes harmful but often harmless. Individuals differ in prosociality, the share of civic types is interpreted as social trust, and a rule-following norm imposes a violation cost that declines with trust. Higher trust weakens this norm and induces civic types to violate the rule in harmless situations while continuing to obey when violations would be harmful, whereas opportunistic types violate in all states. As a result, higher trust can generate more harmless violations, fewer harmful violations, and higher welfare. I then embed this behavioral block in a policy environment where a government chooses enforcement intensity. Enforcement strengthens the norm but is costly. In equilibrium, low-trust societies select a rigid regime with strict enforcement and full compliance. High-trust societies instead select a flexible regime with low average enforcement intensity. In this regime, officials exercise legal discretion and selectively enforce overinclusive rules mainly in harmful cases, while typically tolerating harmless violations, which generates a stable pattern of tolerated noncompliance in harmless situations. Finally, an overlapping-generations extension endogenizes trust through cultural transmission and yields multiple steady states that differ in trust, enforcement, norms, and the prevalence of harmless versus harmful violations.
This article explores the pivotal role of Cai Yuanpei in the transnational intellectual mobilization of the Chinese community in France during the early twentieth century by highlighting how Cai’s vision and leadership contributed to the formation of educational and cultural networks that bridged China and Europe. The article situates Cai’s efforts within the broader context of Chinese migration, modernization, and reform movements, emphasizing the dynamic interplay between individual agency and collective identity in a transnational setting. It also sheds light on the significance of the anarchist based work-study movement and related organizations in fostering a new generation of Chinese intellectuals who were deeply influenced by their experiences abroad. Through this analysis, the article contributes to a deeper understanding of the complexities of cultural exchange, diaspora identity, and intellectual history in the Republican era.
