ASEAN is a key area for BRI cooperation.China-ASEAN relations have become the most successful and dynamic model in Asia-Pacific regional cooperation,whichis a good example of promoting a community with a shared future for mankind.In terms of education,China-ASEAN cooperation has been one of the most successful ar-eas in China's international cooperation since the proposal of BRI.As an important part of China's education modern-ization in the digital era,education digitization has become a path tothe high-quality education.Digital cooperation in education will inevitably become an important form of promoting China-ASEAN educational cooperation and ex-change.In line with the value pursuit of building a closer China-ASEAN community with a shared future,it is of-broad prospect for cooperation in political,economic,and cultural dimensions to promote digital cooperation in edu-cation.Facing the China-ASEAN Free Trade Area version 3.0 and the golden decade of the BRI,it is suggested to lead China-ASEAN digital education cooperation by highlighting its advantagesto focus on the construction of inter-national communication capacity and enriching education content,the development of a series of standards related to education digitalization,and the construction of a digital case library for education in China;it is suggested that more ef-forts can be made to promote the digitalization of curriculum construction and teaching plan implementation,and of the learning plan and itsimplementation,and strengthen the support of elements such as capital,technology,talents and data for the digital transformation of education to promote the digitalization cooperation in education between China and ASEAN;it is suggested to optimize the mechanism of China-ASEANdigital education cooperation,improve its guarantee system,prevent and resolve the risks,and continuously promote the breadth and depth of cooperation.
In the early 1990s,India introduced the Look East Policy with the aim of capitalizing on the rapid eco-nomic development in Southeast Asia and seeking new opportunities for its own economic growth to break free from its economic struggles.Simultaneously,India aimed to overcome its diplomatic isolation.In 2014,the Modi govern-ment further expanded this policy into the Act East Policy.With a focus on maritime security and connectivity,the goal was to enhance India's maritime influence in Southeast Asia and realize the vibrant vision of the Indian Dream.This policy served as an extension of India's maritime strategy beyond its borders and marked the transition from a lower-level political approach to a higher-level political engagement.The elevated political engagement focused on political diplomacy and security issues.Under the transformed"Act East Policy,"India aimed to expand its strate-gic scope to achieve great power status,formulate maritime security strategies,and enhance maritime security co-operation.India actively sought to increase its discourse power and influence in Southeast Asia,aiming to counter China's rising presence in the Indo-Pacific region and even around the globe.ASEAN has long pursued a strategy of"balancing great powers,"which is closely linked to the historical context of Southeast Asian countries navigating between competing major powers.With the intervention of non-regional forces,ASEAN has also upgraded its en-gagement level with India in its partnership hierarchywhile still adhering to the balance strategy.It is urgent to attach great importance and respond to the measures of strengthening economic and trade relations with ASEAN to act as a stabilizer of the economy,actively promoting dialogue and proper resolution of the South China Sea issue,enhanc-ing China-India consensus and strategic mutual trust,and improving China-U.S.relations,etc.
Since the 21st century,European and Southeast Asian countries have actively used institutional over-lap to solve specific practical problems.The institutional overlap of EU countries in the field of security cooperation has produced positive spillover effects,which is conducive to the European integration process.However,the insti-tutional overlap of the countries in the Mekong basin of Southeast Asia in the field of water resources has brought about adverse effects to the regional cooperation environment.The logical path of this difference is that the more in-tense the regional competition between great powers is,the more Mekong basin countries uphold the"Country first"concept with more emphasis on consensus and informality of regional norms,and the more negative spillover ef-fects are likely to emerge from the institutional overlap of regional countries with regard to specific issues,namely,to strain the regional situation,and vice versa.On the one hand,Thailand's regional cooperation institution for solving problems related to water resources has been extended to the"Lancang-Mekong Cooperation"(LMC),but the United States,who is obsessed with the Cold War mentality,still launched the"Mekong-U.S.Partnership"to compete with China,affecting the regional cooperation environment.On the other hand,with the regional concept of"Country first"and the convenience provided by the"ASEAN Way",Thailand and Vietnam designed and took the lead inthe Ayeyawady-Chao Phraya-Mekong Economic Cooperation Strategy(ACMECS)and the Cambodia,Laos,Myanmar,and Vietnam's cooperative mechanism(CLMV)according to their own interests to solve the problems related to wa-ter resources and compete for regional leadership,making the cooperation environment in Mekong basin coun-triesonce again deteriorate due to their institutional overlap,which has finally produced negative spillover effects at both structural and regional levels.Thailand and Vietnam's institutional participation in the Mekong basin clearly demonstrates the institutional overlap dilemma of countries in this region,which provides enlightenment for the fu-ture institutional development in Southeast Asia.In the process of dealing with specific issues,Southeast Asian coun-tries must strengthen ASEAN's internal and external"centrality".
On September 21,2023,the 15th China-ASEAN Think Tank Strategic Dialogue Forum was held in Nanning,Guangxi,China.The experts and scholars at home and abroad carried out in-depth exchanges and dis-cussionson the theme of"Collective Wisdom for a Shared Future,Jointly Embarking on the New Journey of BRI"and followed the topics such as"achievements and prospects of the 10thanniversary of China-ASEAN BRI cooperation","promoting the innovative development of China-ASEAN cross-border industrial and supply chain","joint high-quality construction of the New International Land-Sea Trade Corridor","China-ASEAN cooperation on digital trans-formation and scientific and technological innovation","boosting China-ASEAN green transformation and low-carbon sustainable development","advancing high-level institutional opening up and creating a convenient area for dual-circulation of domestic and international markets operation"and"China-ASEAN cultural exchanges,mutual learning and innovative development".They probed into enhancing infrastructure connectivity,digital economy,green economy,security and stability of industrial and supply chains,institutional openness,trade and investment facilitation,cultural exchanges and mutual learning,and sought to inject new perspectives,new ideas and new solu-tions to promote high-quality BRI cooperation and steady progress towards a closer community of shared future be-tween China and ASEAN.This article summarizes the major viewpoints of the participants.
s:In 2023,the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership(RCEP)officially came into full effect among its 15 member states.Concurrently,2023 also marks the 10th anniversary of the Beltand Road Initiative(BRI)and it is,based on the innovation of RCEP economic and trade rules,of great theoretical value and practical signifi-cance to explore the systematic construction of jointly building the international economic and trade rules under BRI.There are various ways to innovate and improve the Belt and Road international economic and trade rules.This pa-per employs a comparative research methodology,analyzing the innovative characteristics of the RCEPrules bycon-trasting them with the relevant provisions of current regional free trade agreements and considers that the RCEP agreement incorporates novel rules such as origin criteria,a forward-looking high-standard commitment listand an open and secure cross-border data flowalong with cooperation and coordination mechanisms in competition law legislation and enforcement.These provisions not only demonstrate the pioneering and forward-looking nature of RCEP but also offer valuable experience for the formulation of economic and trade rules under the BRI.Taking the value of building a community with a shared future for mankind as a guide,BRI cooperation as direction,and guid-ing cooperation,promoting exchanges,standardizing actions and resolving differences as fundamental purpose,China,as a primary signatory of RCEP and the initiator of the BRI,can bears the responsibility of actively undertak-ing the crucial mission of demonstrating economic and trade rules the BRI,encourages BRI countries and regions to actively participate in the joint formulation of economic and trade rulesin order to achieve a multilateral consensus on the economic and trade rules system,and ensure the stability and long-term cooperation.
With the rise of trade protectionism and anti-globalization and the continuous intensification of the Russia-Ukraine conflict in recent years,the hidden risks of the global industrial chain and supply chain continue to emerge,and the global production networks(GPNs)based on the division of labor within products is undergoing profound adjustment and reform.At the same time,the rapid development of the digital economy and the contrarian growth of digital service trade have injected new momentum into the evolution of GPNs.Among ASEAN countries,Singapore,Malaysia and the Philippines have relatively high levels of digitalization,while Thailand,Indonesia and Vietnam relatively low levels.ASEAN has demonstrated an obvious growth trend in undertaking global industrial transfer with gradual upgrading from processing and assembly to simple semi-finished products and complex parts production.From the perspective of division of labor,ASEAN is highly involved in theGPNs,but backward embed-ding remains dominant,leading to the decline of ASEAN's status in this regard with the risk of being locked in the low-end.The global financial crisisbroke out in 2008.Since then,the impact of reindustrialization in the developed countries and COVID-19 on ASEAN's industrial transfer and participation in the GPNs has gradually declined,and digitalization has become a long-term factor affecting the participation in the GPNs.With the continuousadvance-ment of digitalization,countries with highdigitalizationlevels undertake more and more intermediate demand-driven and export demand-driven industrial transfer,makingthe division of labor more and more important while countries with relatively low digitalization levels are basically in the opposite direction of digitalization.China's digitalization level is lower than Singapore,Malaysia and the Philippines,but it undertakesthe global industrial transfer on a larger scale withan obvious pattern of two-way industrial transfer with ASEAN.The participation of China's manufacturing industry in the GPNs is lower than that of the six ASEAN countries,however,the division of labor,which tends to be increasingly important,has been upgraded from backward embedding to forward embedding and run out of the low-end predicament.In the future,China should promote digital strategic coordination with ASEAN countries,accel-erate digital empowerment for the expansion of medium-and high-end industrial transfer,and boost the upgrading of participation in the labor division and further improve its status.Meanwhile,China should also actively make use of the opportunities,such as the full implementation ofRCEP,negotiations on Version 3.0 China-ASEAN Free Trade Area and the golden decade of BRI,to promote China-ASEAN value chain cooperation within the region,facilitate the digital and green transformation of the global value chain,and lay a solid foundation for accelerating the building of a closer China-ASEAN community of shared future.
In terms of the current basic model of"allowing cross-border free flow of data+security exceptions"formed by legal regulations on cross-border data flow,countries'cross-border data flow regulations vary under the formation of the digital divide,but the core of their seeking common ground lies in the interpretation of security ex-ceptions.The EU's General Data Protection Regulations(GDPR)adopt the basic model described above.Among the core issues of GDPR,the EU has also chosen the soft data localization strategy that is most in line with the EU's interestsin order to effectively regulate data outside the territory.Different forms of data localization assist countries in balancing the interests of host countries in data protection and the free flow of data.International economic and trade agreements such as the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific PartnershipAgreement(CPTPP)and the Regional Comprehensive Economic PartnershipAgreement(RCEP)have relevant regulatory provi-sions on how to better balance data protection and cross-border data flows.RCEP gives the host country a rela-tively comprehensive right of autonomy while CPTPP adds an"exception for legitimate public policy objectives"clause on the basis of commercial circulation,and the contradiction focuses on the interpretation and application of"exception for legitimate public policy objectives".Countries have different interpretations of the"exception for legiti-mate public policy objectives",and different forms of data localization help countries balance the interests of the host country and the free flow of data in data protection.Finally,it is proposed that under the premise that regional regulations will coexist for a long time,China needs to further improve its legal system for cross-border data flow to safeguard China's interests in the field of legal regulation of cross-border data flow.
As a typical non-traditional security field,cyber security is emerging in international political research.Along with the increasing prominence of cyber security,the necessity of constructing cyber security norms grows gradually.Currently,the normative construction of global cyberspace is still in its initial stage.The process of interna-tionalization of cybersecurity has shown that different countries have put forward different proposals and there are signs of the gradual emergence of cybersecurity norms in the international community.Developed countries prefer the proposal of multi-stakeholder while emerging countries,such as China and Russia,prefer Multilateralism.Hence,it is of great significance to build network security norms by studying the interests and preferences of differ-ent countries and classifying them reasonably.Based on the perspective of norm classification,the paper puts for-ward that cyber security norms can be classified into technical standard norms and behavior norms,from which the preference of all parties can be defined,that is,western powers prefer to promote the construction of behavior norms by focusing on their advantage of technical standard norms while the emerging countries and other develop-ing countries prefer to separate the relationship between the two and change their disadvantageous status on tech-nical standard norms by the construction of behavior norms.As such,the possible compromises can be found from their different preferences and the future construction direction of network security norms can be clear:the solution to the construction of network security norms is to promote the reform of technical standards norms with technologi-cal progress and accelerate the construction of behavioral norms by coordinating with great powers,achieving the dual construction of technical standards norms and behavior norms on multiple platforms.
2022年5月24日,美国总统拜登正式提出了"印太海域态势感知伙伴关系"(IPMDA)这一海上安全新倡议.其根本目的是,在战略上,填补美国在海上"灰色地带"的空缺,重塑美国海洋大国的影响力;在战术上,包括利用与其他参与国的合作,形成多方异地联动的互动格局,让其他国家在分担美国压力的同时,形成共同在海上应对中国的合力.为此,拜登政府尤其看重并拉拢一些东盟的南海"声索国".在实施过程中,IPMDA打着"打击非法捕捞""人道主义援助""联合救灾"等具有极强欺骗性的幌子,在全球海域构建海域情报信息共享网络,不断强化对中国渔民作业船只的跟踪监视,并公开阻扰和干预中国渔民正常且合法的海上捕捞作业.美国还先后派出多艘海洋测量船和海洋监视船在南海海域秘密展开水文调查,探测海底地形,对中国和相关地区内国家构成严重的侵权,破坏地区安全和稳定,影响"南海行为准则"的磋商.IPMDA是在大国博弈的时代背景下推出的,蕴含着明显的冷战思维和服务于美国自身利益的战略动机,它不仅大大挤压了东盟自身的战略选择空间,还破坏了东盟的"中心地位",东盟国家对其表现出3种并不完全一致的立场,但更多的是疑虑和观望.多数东盟国家在未来并不会选择参与IPMDA,美国一心希望的由此构建一个针对中国的"涉海统一战线"的愿望更不会实现.
自2013年"一带一路"倡议提出以来,恒逸(文莱)大摩拉岛石油化工项目等投资拉动了中国与文莱贸易额增长,中资企业"抱团出海"输出中国标准和产能,中国已成为文莱最大投资来源和主要贸易伙伴,双边经贸合作提升了文莱的经济规模,优化了文莱的经济结构,并成为两国战略合作伙伴关系最坚实的基础.两国政治友好,地缘相近,经贸往来历史悠久;文莱政局稳定,基础设施及营商环境良好,人力资源素质较高,中国可将其作为基地,布局东盟乃至全球市场,这些优势共同支持了双边经贸合作.随着"一带一路"倡议和文莱"2035宏愿"的对接,双边经贸合作将重点推进恒逸项目持续发展,扩建摩拉港成为区域航运中心和转运枢纽,支持文莱在东盟东部增长区发挥作用,加强数字经济、新能源、农业、食品、水产及旅游方面的合作.双边经贸关系发展中,中资企业须尊重文莱马来伊斯兰君主制,防范用工风险,加强与本土企业合作,解决双边贸易中物流和支付不畅等问题,支持双边经贸合作可持续发展.
2022年,国际形势错综复杂,新冠疫情持续肆虐,乌克兰危机不断升级,东南亚地区虽经历了系列内外风险与挑战,但区域政治、经济、外交和经贸合作等领域发展成效显著.政治方面,东帝汶、菲律宾和马来西亚等国相继完成政府换届,泰国、柬埔寨等国即将进行国家大选,缅甸危机仍在持续.地区政治发展整体平稳,部分国家政局稳定存在不确定性.经济方面,为加快促进疫后经济复苏,东南亚地区国家调整了宏观经济政策和财政政策,经济发展整体保持了持续复苏的态势,部分国家经济增速超出官方预期.同时,由于世界经济面临着"滞胀"的风险,2023年东南亚地区经济发展保持持续复苏的同时也存在诸多不稳定和不确定性因素.外交方面,东南亚地区外交压力持续增大,更加重视战略自主,强调维护东盟"中心地位",将持续推进多边对话合作,确保本地区总体和平稳定.中国—东盟经贸合作方面,双边贸易增长强劲并创历史新高,双向投资与产业合作取得新进展,互联互通基础设施成果丰硕,可持续发展成为合作新热点,澜湄合作打造成为区域合作"金色样板",中国—东盟经贸合作取得了突出进展,伴随着RCEP的全面实施和中国—东盟自由贸易区3.0版谈判加快推进,将进—步激发和释放中国—东盟经贸合作的红利.
更为紧密的中国—东盟命运共同体的提出,是双方友好关系深化的结果,也反映了中国国家层面对东盟关系的向好愿望.广西独特的区位优势决定了其服务国家战略使命、面向东盟的战略定位,中国国家层面多重政策也指明广西服务于国家总体外交政策和周边外交战略格局的特性.广西与东盟之间坚实的人文基础、显著的往来成效和双方民众认可是最稳固的基础支撑,也奠定了其重要的战略定位与战略使命.在建设更为紧密的中国—东盟命运共同体的要求下,广西作为中国唯——个与东盟国家陆海相连的省份,应发挥其应有的比较优势,高质量地服务于这个总体目标建设.目前,广西在服务这个建设过程中,仍存在港口基础设施薄弱、陆路海运江河交通网络不完善、通道物流水平较低等"硬联通"问题,"软环境"建设相对滞后、合作政策机制障碍等"软联通"问题,交流质量仍不够高和交流不够畅等"心联通"问题.为此,文章提出了加快完善江河海陆空基础网络建设,做实"硬联通";通过深化务实合作促发展,改善"软联通";携手东盟共建命运与共的美好家园,加深"心联通"的展望,以期推动更为紧密的中国—东盟命运共同体建设走深走实.
中国与越南是山水相连的好邻居、好朋友,是志同道合、命运与共的好同志、好伙伴.中国广西与越南陆路接壤,与越南边境省份文化相通、习俗相近,传统友谊源远流长,中国广西与越南高平、广宁、谅山、河江边境四省党委书记新春会晤暨联工委会晤机制,凸显了各方加强合作、共谋发展的迫切愿望,为落实两国高层共识、不断增进双方政治互信、巩固和发展中越全面战略合作伙伴关系作出了积极贡献.提升和进一步发挥会晤机制的平台作用,力促中越双方交流不断深入,对服务和推动新时代中越全面战略合作伙伴关系长期健康稳定发展意义重大.
2022年,国际形势错综复杂,新冠疫情持续肆虐,乌克兰危机不断升级,东南亚地区虽经历了系列内外风险与挑战,但区域政治、经济、外交和经贸合作等领域发展成效显著.政治方面,东帝汶、菲律宾和马来西亚等国相继完成政府换届,泰国、柬埔寨等国即将进行国家大选,缅甸危机仍在持续.地区政治发展整体平稳,部分国家政局稳定存在不确定性.经济方面,为加快促进疫后经济复苏,东南亚地区国家调整了宏观经济政策和财政政策,经济发展整体保持了持续复苏的态势,部分国家经济增速超出官方预期.同时,由于世界经济面临着"滞胀"的风险,2023年东南亚地区经济发展保持持续复苏的同时也存在诸多不稳定和不确定性因素.外交方面,东南亚地区外交压力持续增大,更加重视战略自主,强调维护东盟"中心地位",将持续推进多边对话合作,确保本地区总体和平稳定.中国—东盟经贸合作方面,双边贸易增长强劲并创历史新高,双向投资与产业合作取得新进展,互联互通基础设施成果丰硕,可持续发展成为合作新热点,澜湄合作打造成为区域合作"金色样板",中国—东盟经贸合作取得了突出进展,伴随着RCEP的全面实施和中国—东盟自由贸易区3.0版谈判加快推进,将进—步激发和释放中国—东盟经贸合作的红利.
2022年,印度尼西亚政治和社会形势稳定,佐科政府成功应对新冠疫情,设法推动国家发展计划的落实,特别是民生保障投入增加及新首都的建设得到民众较高认同.印度尼西亚政府还较好地应对了燃油、食用油价格上涨及《刑法》修正案的颁布所引发的社会反弹.佐科政府政绩出众,以致社会上出现要求延长其任期的声音并引发各方争论.各政党围绕下一届总统选举和议会选举的竞争与合作互动趋于频繁,形成了3个不同的阵营,仅斗争民主党尚独立于政党联盟之外.总统候选人阿尼斯和普拉博沃分别获"印度尼西亚变革联盟"和"大印度尼西亚复兴联盟"的支持,最终可能出现3组候选人搭档同台竞争的格局.印度尼西亚经济加速复苏,政府继续实施"经济复苏计划",推进金融和财税改革及努力控制通货膨胀.经济增速实现了 2014年以来的新高,大部分宏观经济指标好于预期,内需仍是经济增长的关键支撑,出口受益于全球大宗商品价格的上涨,投资稳步增长,制造业、采矿业、交通运输业成为发展亮点.外交方面,印度尼西亚通过艰辛努力,促成多数国家领导人出席二十国集团领导人第17次峰会,峰会的成功举办显著提高了印度尼西亚的国际声望.印度尼西亚积极与邻国开展海洋划界谈判,与越南达成专属经济区划界协议被视为"海洋外交"的最大成果.印度尼西亚与中国、美国、日本等大国关系有不同程度进展.2023年,印度尼西亚各政治派别的选举竞争将更加激烈,经济前景谨慎乐观,外交将聚焦于东盟地区事务.
RCEP是中国首次以投资负面清单模式参加的大型区域自由贸易协定,在中国外资负面清单制度发展进程中具有里程碑意义,为中国今后外资负面清单的设计提供了丰富经验和模板.RCEP各成员国负面清单措施共性的表现是各成员国皆为基本国家利益和公共利益保留了更多权利,差异的表现是各成员国根据本国的国情选择了保护的特别产业以及特别措施,从而平衡了外资市场开放程度.中国外资负面清单始具雏形,但仍然存在许多不足,宜借鉴RCEP下各成员国投资负面清单,在现有清单模式和内容基础上进行改进和完善.特别是注意国际协定投资负面清单和国内外资负面清单的统一、衔接和协调,使清单包含服务业等全部行业,尽量保留各成员国采取的共性措施,慎重选择开放和限制的行业,在国内清单中增加和明确"全部行业"措施和"任何措施".
2022年,缅甸国内危机仍未解除,军方与反对力量冲突不断,但缅甸军政权表现出一定韧性.为促进国内政局稳定,同时为赢得国际社会的认可与接纳,军方对内对外均采取了一系列积极措施.政治方面,为增强执政能力,军方改组内阁,进行人事任免;为巩固国家控制权,国家管理委员会继续管控反对力量,处理遗留问题;为顺利推进2023年大选,国家管理委员会促进和平协议签订,整改选举架构,调整《政党注册法》等.经济方面,得益于军方制定的经济复苏计划与《区域全面经济伙伴关系协定》(RCEP)的落实,缅甸进出口总额明显增长,旅游业与电力能源领域发展向好.但因受西方国家的制裁影响,外资企业相继撤离缅甸,外国投资低迷,金融业发展倒退,经济复苏面临巨大压力.外交方面,因在"五点共识"落实进展甚微,军方与美欧等西方国家的关系在制裁风波中逐渐恶化;与东盟关系面临巨大考验,有倒退风险,但因维护信誉与声誉之需,东盟仍继续就解决缅甸问题进行积极斡旋.但较为利好的是,在中、印、俄等大国坚持不干涉内政原则的情况下,缅甸得以与中、印保持良好关系,缅俄关系的升温迹象也很明显.2023年,缅甸将继续沿用"大国平衡"外交战略,旨在于复杂的外交局面中维护国家主权的独立自主,推动国家经济和安全发展.军方将积极布局,推进顺利举行全国大选并实现权力平稳移交.但由于缅甸军方与反军方力量之间将持续博弈,大选仍存在不确定性.同时,仍将面临经济复苏及和平进程等多重挑战.
日本是柬埔寨地缘竞争格局中最大的域外势力之一.鉴于柬埔寨独特的地缘关系,日本自2013年以来便以在柬埔寨深耕多年积累的经验及日柬战略伙伴关系建立为基础,携"自由开放的印太"计划,与柬埔寨开展涵盖政治、安全、经济与文化等领域的全方位合作.在地缘竞争视域下,日本对柬埔寨的合作不仅有谋求在柬埔寨地缘政治与经济优势的考量,还有提升解决地区事务的地位和能力的诉求,中国因素则是日本开展对柬埔寨地缘竞争的重要变量.未来,在日本新"自由开放的印太"计划及柬埔寨的积极因应下,日本对柬埔寨的全方位合作将继续深化,尤其是在对柬埔寨军事援助领域.
水灯节是泰国民间的传统节日,现已成为该国重点推广的一个文化旅游项目.为能适应旅游市场的需求,水灯节在持续演进过程中形成了"典型"的泰北文化.文章通过案例及历史研究,在查阅与清迈水灯节相关的王朝记事、传说和诗歌等泰文原始资料基础上,结合中泰两国相关文献,对水灯节早期的传统风俗及影响因素进行背景梳理,探讨不同历史时期水灯节的文化再生产过程、主体及动因,重点对文化生产与传承的方式、文化变迁进行具体分析,进而探析清迈水灯节文化在旅游场域中的演变及出现的问题,以期为民族文化开发利用提供启示.对清迈三个不同历史时期的水灯节文化再生产的研究发现,因社会、经济、政治及宗教等因素影响,该地水灯节文化再生产中民族文化传承在不同时期呈现出不同的特征,尤其自泰国旅游经济迅速发展以来,由于场域内主体参与者在文化利用和开发中过度重视市场与资本,忽视对民族文化及其传承体系的关注,缺乏族群文化创造和身体经验在文化传承过程中的参与,直接导致了该文化形象失真、文化内涵变异、文化形象统一化,以及诸多社会环境问题的产生.为解决相关问题,必须充分行使政府职能部门在文化资源上的管理和监督职权,并激发文化所有者的创造力和想象力,在发展民族文化的同时,保留民族文化原生态的特色和内涵,避免文化缺失和传承中断现象的发生.
