Against the backdrop of the Canada-India Comprehensive Economic Partnership Agreement (CEPA), we investigate whether the two countries have achieved optimal export potential under the existing trade environment. The paper, based on data from International Trade Centre and World Integrated Trade Solutions for the period 2004-2025, finds substantial untapped export potential in both countries, though the underlying reasons vary. Canada's exports face significant tariffs and Non Tariff Measures (NTMs) in India. In contrast, India's exports to Canada face fewer market access conditions compared to their other major destinations. The study also identifies the dualistic nature of NTMs: while numerous NTMs exist for India's export to Canada, they often are found to be trade-facilitating rather than -restricting. The study's key contribution lies in illustrating the heterogeneous effects of granular NTMs. We conclude that even when tariffs are low, behind-the-border dissipative barriers can impose disproportionately high transaction costs. Thus, addressing NTMs by product and regulatory intent would be more pragmatic and beneficial.
Foreign electoral interference poses a critical challenge to democratic states, and Canada is no exception. The growing scale and sophistication of such interference have increasingly undermined public confidence in the democratic process. Recent election-related controversies have prompted the Canadian government to reassess the nature and extent of foreign electoral interference, as well as its implications for public trust in democratic institutions and the preservation of national sovereignty. Drawing on diverse bodies of literature, this paper examines how the Canadian government has addressed foreign electoral interference and sought to protect and advance its national interests. It focuses on the experiences of the Chinese Canadian community in federal elections, primarily from 2019 to the present, and considers the lessons that may be drawn for other democratic states. Policy recommendations are also discussed. L'ing & eacute;rence & eacute;trang & egrave;re dans les & eacute;lections est un d & eacute;fi majeur pour les & Eacute;tats d & eacute;mocratiques, et le Canada ne fait pas exception. L'ampleur et la sophistication croissantes de ces ing & eacute;rences & eacute;branlent de plus en plus la confiance du public dans les processus d & eacute;mocratiques. Les r & eacute;centes controverses li & eacute;es aux & eacute;lections ont pouss & eacute; le gouvernement canadien & agrave; r & eacute;& eacute;valuer la nature et l'& eacute;tendue de l'ing & eacute;rence & eacute;trang & egrave;re dans le processus & eacute;lectoral, ainsi que ses implications pour la confiance du public dans les institutions d & eacute;mocratiques et la pr & eacute;servation de la souverainet & eacute; nationale. S'appuyant sur divers ouvrages, cet article examine comment le gouvernement canadien a r & eacute;agi face aux ing & eacute;rences & eacute;lectorales & eacute;trang & egrave;res et s'est mobilis & eacute; pour prot & eacute;ger et promouvoir ses int & eacute;r & ecirc;ts nationaux. Il se concentre sur les exp & eacute;riences de la communaut & eacute; sino-canadienne lors des & eacute;lections f & eacute;d & eacute;rales, principalement de 2019 & agrave; aujourd'hui, et examine les enseignements qui peuvent & ecirc;tre tir & eacute;s pour d'autres & Eacute;tats d & eacute;mocratiques. Des recommandations politiques sont & eacute;galement abord & eacute;es.
This article integrates political budget cycle (PBC) theory with parliamentary content analysis to examine how Canadian governments frame defence spending in House of Commons debates between 1990 and 2023 and how these rhetorical patterns correlate with observed defence spending outcomes. Using an original longitudinal dataset of speeches by incumbent Members of Parliament, I classify defence spending-related discourse into expansion-oriented and restraint-oriented categories, adapting established political text classification approaches to the Canadian defence context. This analysis documents systematic variation in rhetorical emphasis on defence spending across various fiscal conditions, electoral timing, partisan incumbency, and the external security environment, and evaluates descriptive correspondence with defence spending using contemporaneous and lagged correlations. The findings show a persistent predominance of expansion-oriented defence spending discourse across incumbent governments. However, restraint-oriented discourse is more strongly negatively correlated with defence spending growth than expansion-oriented discourse is positively correlated with spending increases, both contemporaneously and across temporal lags. Cet article associe la th & eacute;orie du cycle budg & eacute;taire politique (CBP) & agrave; l'analyse du contenu parlementaire afin d'examiner comment les gouvernements canadiens ont pr & eacute;sent & eacute; les d & eacute;penses de d & eacute;fense lors des d & eacute;bats & agrave; la Chambre des communes entre 1990 et 2023, et comment ces mod & egrave;les rh & eacute;toriques sont li & eacute;s aux r & eacute;sultats observ & eacute;s en mati & egrave;re de d & eacute;pense de d & eacute;fense. En utilisant un ensemble de donn & eacute;es longitudinales issues des discours des d & eacute;put & eacute;s en exercice, je classe les discours ayant rapport aux d & eacute;penses de d & eacute;fense en deux cat & eacute;gories - ceux ax & eacute;s sur l'expansion et ceux ax & eacute;s sur la mod & eacute;ration - en adaptant les approches & eacute;tablies de classification des textes politiques au contexte de la d & eacute;fense canadienne. Cette analyse met en & eacute;vidence une variation syst & eacute;matique dans l'accent mis sur les d & eacute;penses de d & eacute;fense en fonction des conditions budg & eacute;taires, du calendrier & eacute;lectoral, de l'appartenance politique des dirigeants en place, et de l'environnement s & eacute;curitaire ext & eacute;rieur, et & eacute;value la corr & eacute;lation descriptive avec les d & eacute;penses de d & eacute;fense & agrave; l'aide de corr & eacute;lations simultan & eacute;es et diff & eacute;r & eacute;es. Les r & eacute;sultats montrent que le discours favorable & agrave; une augmentation des d & eacute;penses de d & eacute;fense reste pr & eacute;dominant au sein des gouvernements en place. Cependant, le discours pr & ocirc;nant la mod & eacute;ration est plus fortement corr & eacute;l & eacute;, n & eacute;gativement, & agrave; la croissance des d & eacute;penses de d & eacute;fense, que celui pr & ocirc;nant l'expansion ne l'est, positivement, & agrave; l'augmentation de ces d & eacute;penses, aussi bien en temps r & eacute;el qu'avec un d & eacute;calage temporel.
Following Colombia's landmark 2016 Peace Agreement with the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia, Canada stepped in with a C$57.4 million pledge to support peacebuilding. With the launch of Canada's Feminist International Assistance Policy in 2017, these commitments unfolded within a new policy context marked by a prioritization of gender equality (GE). This article examines the intersection of Canadian aid, justice, security, and gender in Colombia. Empirical data show that, since 2017, the GE focus has increased, with most aid programs yielding some level of GE outcomes. The article maps the impact of four Canadian funded projects along a spectrum ranging from the status quo of "gendered institutions" to "transformative change." Applying a feminist institutionalist analysis, it argues that the impact of Canadian assistance lies in the in between space of these two extremes - marked by progress beyond the status quo but still shy of hitting the transformative mark. The article concludes that Colombia's complex socio-political landscape overlays the agency of Canada's implementing partners, their Southern counterparts, and the donor itself, both enabling and constraining the full transformative capacity of the intervention. The methodology combines mixed methods, including 29 semi-structured interviews with key informants in Ottawa and Bogot & aacute;. & Agrave; la suite de l'accord de paix historique conclu en 2016 entre la Colombie et les Forces arm & eacute;es r & eacute;volutionnaires de Colombie, le Canada s'est engag & eacute; & agrave; verser 57,4 millions de dollars canadiens pour soutenir la consolidation de la paix. Avec le lancement de la Politique d'aide internationale f & eacute;ministe du Canada en 2017, ces engagements se sont inscrits dans un nouveau contexte politique marqu & eacute; par la priorit & eacute; accord & eacute;e & agrave; l'& eacute;galit & eacute; entre les genres (EG). Cet article examine les liens entre l'aide canadienne, la justice, la s & eacute;curit & eacute;, et les questions de genre en Colombie. Des donn & eacute;es empiriques montrent que, depuis 2017, l'accent mis sur l'EG s'est renforc & eacute;, la plupart des programmes d'aide produisant certains r & eacute;sultats dans ce domaine. Cet article analyse l'impact de quatre projets financ & eacute;s par le Canada, sur un spectre allant des & laquo; institutions genr & eacute;es & raquo; au & laquo; changement transformateur & raquo;. En s'appuyant sur une analyse f & eacute;ministe institutionnaliste, il soutient que l'impact de l'aide canadienne r & eacute;side dans l'espace situ & eacute; entre ces deux extr & ecirc;mes - caract & eacute;ris & eacute; par des progr & egrave;s par rapport au statu quo, mais sans pour autant atteindre le seuil de transformation. L'article conclut que le paysage sociopolitique de la Colombie influence la capacit & eacute; & agrave; agir des partenaires de mise en oe uvre du Canada, de leurs homologues du Sud, et du donateur lui-m & ecirc;me, ce qui & agrave; la fois favorise et limite la pleine capacit & eacute; de transformation de l'intervention. La m & eacute;thodologie repose sur une approche mixte, comprenant notamment 29 entretiens semi-structur & eacute;s avec des informateurs cl & eacute;s & agrave; Ottawa et & agrave; Bogot & aacute;.
In a moment of rising neo-mercantilism, smaller countries must confront rent-seeking powers on their terms. Here, the trade negotiation literature suggests that national all-purpose coalitions can be a detriment in international negotiations. However, this often assumes these coalitions are merely defensive strategies. What if these coalitions are equal parts offensive and defensive? This theory-building paper interrogates one example in the Team Canada NAFTA renegotiation strategy. Team Canada represented a spanning coalition of Canadian industry, labor and civil society working in concert. Drawing on Putnam's two-level game, I observe Team Canada as both a defensive and offensive "Trap" strategy. It sought to eliminate internal rifts that could be manipulated and aggressively lobby influential American actors to isolate the Trump administration. This process tracing research draws from original semi-structured interviews with Canadian and American trade negotiation participants, secondary accounts from papers of record, and committee witness testimony. & Agrave; l'heure o & ugrave; le n & eacute;omercantilisme gagne du terrain, les petits pays doivent affronter les puissances avides de rentes selon leurs conditions. & Agrave; cet & eacute;gard, la litt & eacute;rature sp & eacute;cialis & eacute;e en mati & egrave;re de n & eacute;gociations commerciales laisse entendre que les coalitions nationales & agrave; vocation g & eacute;n & eacute;rale peuvent constituer un frein dans les n & eacute;gociations internationales. Cependant, cela suppose souvent que ces coalitions ne sont que des strat & eacute;gies d & eacute;fensives. Et si ces coalitions & eacute;taient & agrave; la fois offensives et d & eacute;fensives ? Cet article th & eacute;orique examine un exemple & eacute;manant de la strat & eacute;gie de ren & eacute;gociation de l'ALENA adopt & eacute;e par l'& Eacute;quipe Canada. Celle-ci repr & eacute;sentait une vaste coalition des acteurs de l'industrie, du monde syndical et de la soci & eacute;t & eacute; civile canadiens travaillant de concert. En m'inspirant du & laquo; jeu & agrave; deux niveaux & raquo; de Putnam, je consid & egrave;re l'& Eacute;quipe Canada comme une strat & eacute;gie de & laquo; pi & egrave;ge & raquo; & agrave; la fois d & eacute;fensive et offensive. Elle visait & agrave; & eacute;liminer les divisions internes susceptibles d'& ecirc;tre exploit & eacute;es et & agrave; exercer une pression intense sur des acteurs am & eacute;ricains influents afin d'isoler l'administration Trump. Cette & eacute;tude sur le suivi des processus s'appuie sur des entretiens semi-structur & eacute;s men & eacute;s aupr & egrave;s de participants canadiens et am & eacute;ricains aux n & eacute;gociations commerciales, sur des sources secondaires issues de la presse de r & eacute;f & eacute;rence, ainsi que sur les t & eacute;moignages des t & eacute;moins devant les commissions.
Since the mid-2010s, Canada's engagement with the Commonwealth Caribbean has shown some signs of a reset. Not only was the Canada-Caribbean relationship in rebuild mode, but international development assistance, a core feature of this engagement, was guided by Canada's Feminist International Assistance Policy (FIAP). This paper uses a mixed methods design to investigate how FIAP is landing in CARICOM nations, with particular emphasis on Jamaica. Guided by themes from institutional theory, particularly notions of incentives and constraints, this work finds that FIAP is advancing gender conversations in the region, but conceptual and operational challenges constrain its implementation. These lie not only in how gender equality is understood in the Caribbean context, but also in the approach through which FIAP is operationalized in practice, and the need for a deeper appreciation of the region's history and the intersecting realities of race, class, and gender that shape Caribbean security and justice institutions. Depuis le milieu des ann & eacute;es 2010, l'engagement du Canada dans le Commonwealth de la Cara & iuml;be montre quelques signes de r & eacute;initialisation. Non seulement les relations entre le Canada et les Cara & iuml;bes & eacute;taient en pleine reconstruction, mais l'aide internationale au d & eacute;veloppement, un & eacute;l & eacute;ment central de cet engagement, a & eacute;t & eacute; guid & eacute;e par la Politique d'aide internationale f & eacute;ministe (PAIF) du Canada. Cet article utilise une m & eacute;thodologie mixte pour examiner comment la PAIF est mise en oe uvre dans les pays de la CARICOM, avec un focus particulier sur la Jama & iuml;que. S'appuyant sur des th & egrave;mes & eacute;manant de la th & eacute;orie institutionnelle, en particulier les notions d'incitations et de contraintes, cette & eacute;tude conclut que la PAIF fait progresser le d & eacute;bat sur l'& eacute;galit & eacute; des sexes dans la r & eacute;gion, mais que les d & eacute;fis conceptuels et op & eacute;rationnels limitent sa mise en oe uvre. Ceux-ci r & eacute;sident non seulement dans la mani & egrave;re dont l'& eacute;galit & eacute; des sexes est comprise dans le contexte carib & eacute;en, mais aussi dans l'approche & agrave; travers laquelle la PAIF est mise en oe uvre dans la pratique, et dans la n & eacute;cessit & eacute; d'une meilleure compr & eacute;hension de l'histoire de la r & eacute;gion et des r & eacute;alit & eacute;s crois & eacute;es de la race, de la classe sociale et du genre, qui d & eacute;terminent les institutions de s & eacute;curit & eacute; et de justice dans la Cara & iuml;be.
Unlike most of its key allies, the Canadian government has not created a foreign intelligence agency to spy abroad using human sources. Newly-available archival records for the first time furnish insights into the deliberations of Canadian officials and ministers on this question. Since the early 1950s, several proposals for a foreign intelligence agency have been prepared by Canadian officials, but in all cases they failed to receive government approval. By providing an understanding of how this issue has been viewed from inside government over the past eight decades, these records will inform the ongoing public debate over the pros and cons of creating a Canadian foreign intelligence agency.
This article investigates how leaders' belief systems shape liberal democracies' foreign policy responses to human rights movements, focusing on the Iranian "Woman, Life, Freedom". A belief system is defined as a structured set of values, and normative assumptions, that guide how leaders perceive reality, interpret information, and make policy choices. Building on Foreign Policy Analysis, the study argues that stable and coherent belief systems lead states to respond to social movements in consistent and principled ways, whereas unstable and fragmented ones result in inconsistent, and opportunistic responses. Canada, under Prime Minister Justin Trudeau, demonstrates how a stable liberal worldview, embedded in feminist foreign policy, generates principled engagement, from solidarity with diaspora mobilizations to sanctions and institutional measures. By contrast, the United States, under Joe Biden, reflects the tensions of a more conflicted belief system: rhetorical support for Iranian protesters coexists with strategic compromises, such as the release of frozen Iranian assets, that dilute normative commitments and weaken credibility. By extending belief-systems analysis beyond traditional security crises to transnational human rights struggles, the article advances Foreign Policy Analysis and demonstrates that foreign policy is not solely the product of systemic pressures but also of leaders' moral convictions, cognitive frameworks, and the stability of their guiding beliefs.
This analysis examines the support for Arctic policies among various constituencies in Canada. The first objective is to assess the types of policies that are more popular regarding the Arctic. The second objective is to assess which socio-demographic groups are more likely to support specific types of Arctic policies. We surveyed 2,081 Canadian respondents in July and August 2024. We found that Canadians perceive the Canadian Arctic first and foremost as a space to defend militarily, rather than an environment to protect or a region to develop economically. Constituencies supporting military or environmental initiatives in the Arctic differed from those supporting similar initiatives in the rest of the country. This analysis highlights the importance of gender and language as significant socio-demographic variables driving support for specific Arctic policies. Cette analyse examine le soutien apport & eacute; par divers groupes d'int & eacute;r & ecirc;t au Canada aux politiques arctiques. Le premier objectif est d'& eacute;valuer les politiques les plus populaires relatives & agrave; l'Arctique. Le deuxi & egrave;me objectif est d'& eacute;valuer les groupes sociod & eacute;mographiques les plus susceptibles de soutenir certains types de politiques dans la r & eacute;gion arctique. Pour ce faire, nous avons interrog & eacute; 2 081 r & eacute;pondants canadiens en juillet et en ao & ucirc;t 2024. Nous avons constat & eacute; que les Canadiens per & ccedil;oivent l'Arctique canadien avant tout comme un espace & agrave; d & eacute;fendre militairement, plut & ocirc;t qu'en tant qu'environnement & agrave; prot & eacute;ger ou comme une r & eacute;gion & agrave; d & eacute;velopper & eacute;conomiquement. Les groupes qui soutiennent les initiatives militaires ou environnementales dans la r & eacute;gion arctique diff & egrave;rent de ceux qui soutiennent des initiatives similaires dans le reste du pays. Cette analyse souligne l'importance du genre et de la langue en tant que variables sociod & eacute;mographiques significatives d & eacute;terminant le soutien & agrave; des politiques sp & eacute;cifiques concernant l'Arctique.
Intelligence scholars have described the contemporary availability of Open-Source Intelligence (OSINT) and the entrance of civil society actors into the field of intelligence as a "democratization of intelligence", thereby portraying a fundamentally positive and inclusive enterprise. Assessing the implications of the recent explosion of OSINT groups and activists for traditional state intelligence actors, this article instead introduces the concept of de-monopolization. A turn to de-monopolization brings attention to the struggles arising when civil society actors enter the field of intelligence. The article outlines two different forms of struggle currently affecting state intelligence actors: a struggle over insights and a struggle over epistemic authority. Describing these contemporary tendencies and their impact on state intelligence work, the article then discusses how an increase in OSINT by civil society actors generates new tasks for intelligence actors, introduces new ideals, and pushes state intelligence agencies to defend their expertise in public. Les sp & eacute;cialistes du renseignement ont d & eacute;crit la disponibilit & eacute; actuelle des renseignements d'origine sources ouvertes (ROSO) et l'entr & eacute;e des acteurs de la soci & eacute;t & eacute; civile dans le domaine du renseignement comme une << d & eacute;mocratisation du renseignement >>, pr & eacute;sentant ainsi cette & eacute;volution comme une initiative fondamentalement positive et inclusive. & Eacute;valuant les implications de l'explosion r & eacute;cente de groupes et d'activistes qui militent en faveur des ROSO pour les acteurs traditionnels du renseignement d'& Eacute;tat, ce chapitre introduit plut & ocirc;t le concept de la d & eacute;monopolisation. Le virage de la d & eacute;monopolisation attire l'attention sur les difficult & eacute;s qui surgissent lorsque les acteurs de la soci & eacute;t & eacute; civile font leur entr & eacute;e dans le domaine du renseignement. Ce chapitre d & eacute;crit deux formes de difficult & eacute;s qui affectent actuellement les services de renseignement & eacute;tatiques : une difficult & eacute; d'acc & egrave;s & agrave; l'information et une difficult & eacute; vis-& agrave;-vis de l'autorit & eacute; & eacute;pist & eacute;mique. Apr & egrave;s avoir d & eacute;crit ces tendances contemporaines et leur impact sur le travail des services de renseignement & eacute;tatiques, l'article examine comment l'augmentation des ROSO par les acteurs de la soci & eacute;t & eacute; civile g & eacute;n & egrave;re de nouvelles t & acirc;ches pour les acteurs du renseignement, introduit de nouveaux id & eacute;aux, et pousse les agents du renseignement & eacute;tatiques & agrave; d & eacute;fendre leur expertise en public.
This article analyses the integration of the Youth, Peace and Security (YPS) agenda into Canada's Women, Peace and Security (WPS) commitments, with a particular focus on the third National Action Plan on WPS (CNAP3). Drawing on feminist security studies and intergenerational justice frameworks, the article examines how youth are framed across departmental implementation plans, using a quantitative comparison grid and policy analysis. While CNAP3 marks a rhetorical shift toward youth inclusion, it lacks the operational depth, funding mechanisms, and accountability structures required for transformative engagement. The findings reveal tensions between discursive recognition and structural exclusion, highlighting the risks of symbolic inclusion and instrumentalization. The article argues that youth must be recognized as present-day political actors shaping peace and security, and calls for a feminist peace strategy grounded in coherence, redistribution, and co-governance. Cet article analyse l'int & eacute;gration du programme Jeunesse, paix et s & eacute;curit & eacute; (JPS) dans les engagements du Canada en mati & egrave;re de Femmes, Paix et S & eacute;curit & eacute; (FPS), en mettant particuli & egrave;rement l'accent sur le troisi & egrave;me Plan d'action national pour les femmes, la paix et la s & eacute;curit & eacute; (PANC3). S'appuyant sur les & eacute;tudes f & eacute;ministes en mati & egrave;re de s & eacute;curit & eacute; et sur les cadres de justice interg & eacute;n & eacute;rationnelle, cet article examine la mani & egrave;re dont les jeunes sont pris en consid & eacute;ration dans les plans de mise en oe uvre minist & eacute;riels, & agrave; l'aide d'une grille de comparaison quantitative et d'une analyse des politiques. Si le PANC3 marque un changement rh & eacute;torique vers l'inclusion des jeunes, il manque toutefois de la profondeur op & eacute;rationnelle, des m & eacute;canismes de financement et des structures de responsabilit & eacute; n & eacute;cessaires & agrave; un engagement transformateur. Les r & eacute;sultats r & eacute;v & egrave;lent des tensions entre reconnaissance discursive et exclusion structurelle, soulignant les risques li & eacute;s & agrave; l'inclusion symbolique et & agrave; l'instrumentalisation. L'article soutient que les jeunes doivent & ecirc;tre reconnus en tant qu'acteurs politiques d'aujourd'hui qui fa & ccedil;onnent la paix et la s & eacute;curit & eacute;, et appelle & agrave; une strat & eacute;gie f & eacute;ministe pour la paix fond & eacute;e sur la coh & eacute;rence, la redistribution et la co-gouvernance.
L'absence d'& eacute;tudes scientifiques de l'atterrissage de la Politique d'assistance internationale f & eacute;ministe (PAIF) en Am & eacute;rique latine et les Antilles, a motiv & eacute; cette & eacute;tude de l'ancrage de la PAIF en Ha & iuml;ti, un partenaire cl & eacute; du Canada dans la r & eacute;gion. L'& eacute;tude documente l'& eacute;volution de la coop & eacute;ration et son volet & eacute;galit & eacute; des genres (EG) entre 2015 et 2025 -- au niveau des discours, des d & eacute;penses, des projets et de leurs r & eacute;sultats, surtout dans les secteurs de la justice et la s & eacute;curit & eacute;. Guid & eacute; par un cadre th & eacute;orique f & eacute;ministe institutionnaliste, elle documente la construction sociale de cette coop & eacute;ration par Affaires mondiales et d'autres acteurs canadiens, en consultation avec des partenaires f & eacute;ministes de la soci & eacute;t & eacute; civile et avec l'& Eacute;tat ha & iuml;tien. Elle d & eacute;montre comment, dans le contexte de la crise multidimensionnelle et de politiques canadiennes parfois mal adapt & eacute;es, cela a men & eacute; & agrave; une augmentation du contenu EG apr & egrave;s l'adoption de la PAIF, puis & agrave; une l & eacute;g & egrave;re r & eacute;gression depuis 2023. Elle documente des r & eacute;sultats probants surtout dans les projets avec la soci & eacute;t & eacute; civile, en soulignant l'importance de continuer & agrave; appuyer l'EG dans la Police. L'& eacute;tude termine avec des le & ccedil;ons pour la coop & eacute;ration canadienne, son & eacute;valuation et son & eacute;tude scientifique. The absence of scholarly studies of how Canada's Feminist International Assistance Policy (FIAP) lands in Latin America and the Antilles, motivated this study of the anchoring of the FIAP in Haiti, a key partner in the region. The study documents the evolution of cooperation and its gender equality (GE) dimensions between 2015 and 2025 -- at the level of discourse, expenditures, projects and their results, especially in the justice and security sectors. Guided by a feminist institutional theoretical framework, it documents the social construction of this cooperation by Global Affairs and other Canadian actors, in consultation with feminist partners in civil society and with the Haitian state. It demonstrates how, in the context of the multidimensional crisis and sometimes inappropriate Canadian policies, this led to an increase in EG content after the adoption of the FIAP, then to a slight regression since 2023. The study documents convincing results especially in projects with civil society, without diminishing the importance of continuing to support GE in the Police. The study ends with lessons for Canadian cooperation, its evaluation and its scholarly study.
Though an emerging literature has sought to assess the progress made by Canada in terms of United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP) recognition and implementation, these studies tend to treat national governments as unitary state actors. Such approaches tend to include only a cursory reference to the government agencies and departments that convert calls for action into actual policy. Employing content analysis and an agential constructivist approach, this article remedies this oversight by assessing the extent to which Natural Resources Canada (NRCan) Departmental Plans bring Canada's federal government into alignment with UNDRIP. The article's contribution is four-fold. First, it depicts how greater insights can be obtained by unpacking the strategies and decision-making of state actors. Second, it illustrates the interplay between international "soft law" (e.g. UNDRIP) and national "hard law" (e.g. legislation). Third, the article shows how differing conceptions of what constitutes "Indigenous Knowledge" and "consultation" influence UNDRIP recognition and implementation in practice. Fourth, it finds that the contemporary dynamics of Canada's foreign policy and national interests pertaining to natural resource governance demonstrate that neither federal Departments nor Indigenous Peoples are passive actors in the creation, maintenance, and redefinition of transnational norms. Bien qu'une litt & eacute;rature & eacute;mergente ait cherch & eacute; & agrave; & eacute;valuer les progr & egrave;s r & eacute;alis & eacute;s par le Canada en mati & egrave;re de reconnaissance et de mise en oe uvre de la D & eacute;claration des Nations-Unies relative aux droits des peuples autochtones (DNUDPA), ces & eacute;tudes ont tendance & agrave; traiter les gouvernements nationaux comme des acteurs & eacute;tatiques unitaires. Ces approches ont tendance & agrave; ne se r & eacute;f & eacute;rer que bri & egrave;vement aux agences et d & eacute;partements gouvernementaux qui transforment les appels & agrave; l'action en politique concr & egrave;te. & Agrave; l'aide d'une analyse de contenu et d'une approche constructiviste agentielle, cet article comble cette lacune en & eacute;valuant dans quelle mesure les plans minist & eacute;riels de Ressources naturelles du Canada (RNCan) alignent le gouvernement f & eacute;d & eacute;ral canadien sur la D & eacute;claration des Nations Unies relative aux droits des peuples autochtones (DNUDPA). La contribution de cet article est quadruple. Premi & egrave;rement, il montre comment il est possible d'obtenir des informations plus approfondies en analysant les strat & eacute;gies et les d & eacute;cisions des acteurs & eacute;tatiques. Deuxi & egrave;mement, il illustre les interactions entre le << droit souple >> (par exemple, la D & eacute;claration des Nations unies relative aux peuples autochtones) et le << droit contraignant >> national (par exemple, la l & eacute;gislation). Troisi & egrave;mement, l'article montre comment les diff & eacute;rentes conceptions de ce qui constitue le << Savoir Autochtone >> et la << consultation >> influencent la reconnaissance et la mise en oe uvre, dans la pratique, de la D & eacute;claration des Nations unies relative aux peuples autochtones. Quatri & egrave;mement, il r & eacute;v & egrave;le que la dynamique contemporaine de la politique & eacute;trang & egrave;re et des int & eacute;r & ecirc;ts nationaux du Canada en mati & egrave;re de gouvernance des ressources naturelles d & eacute;montre que ni les minist & egrave;res f & eacute;d & eacute;raux ni les peuples autochtones ne sont des acteurs passifs dans la cr & eacute;ation, le maintien et la red & eacute;finition des normes transnationales.
This paper looks at how the Mi'kmaw Nation can grow stronger by being part of trade and business. It explains that real reconciliation means more than apologies-it means respecting Mi'kmaw rights and letting Mi'kmaw people lead in areas like trade and the economy. The paper shares examples like the Mi'kmaw communities buying part of Clearwater Seafoods. It also calls on Canada to follow treaties, include Indigenous voices in trade decisions, and support Mi'kmaw businesses. True reconciliation will happen when the Mi'kmaw Nation is treated as an equal partner in Canada and the world.
This paper examines Canada's evolving engagement in the Israel-Palestine conflict as a lens to interrogate the interplay between like-minded and principled multilateralism in Canadian foreign policy. Situating the analysis within middle power theory and the post-World War II multilateral tradition, it advances the concept of selective multilateralism-a strategically reactive posture that reconciles normative aspirations with the structural constraints of alliance politics. Through a historical and contemporary analysis spanning 1947 to the aftermath of the October 7 Hamas attacks, the study traces how Canada's positions have oscillated between declarative support for international law and practical alignment with Western bloc priorities. Drawing on UN voting records, official statements, and policy episodes under successive governments, it demonstrates that while moments of principled action-such as arms embargoes or support for humanitarian mechanisms-persist, they are frequently offset by abstentions, rhetorical hedging, or reluctance to hold allies accountable. The post-October 7 period, marked by intensified geopolitical polarization, reveals both the capacity and the limits of selective multilateralism in sustaining Canada's credibility as a bridge-builder. The paper concludes that Canada's future relevance in multilateral diplomacy will hinge on its ability to pair legal consistency with credible strategic engagement, even when doing so entails political and alliance costs. Cet article examine l'& eacute;volution de l'engagement du Canada dans le conflit isra & eacute;lo-palestinien en tant que prisme par lequel analyser l'interaction entre le multilat & eacute;ralisme fond & eacute; sur des affinit & eacute;s id & eacute;ologiques et celui fond & eacute; sur des principes dans la politique & eacute;trang & egrave;re canadienne. En situant l'analyse dans le cadre de la th & eacute;orie des puissances moyennes et de la tradition multilat & eacute;rale post & eacute;rieure & agrave; la 2 & egrave;me Guerre Mondiale, il met en avant le concept de multilat & eacute;ralisme s & eacute;lectif - une posture strat & eacute;giquement r & eacute;active qui concilie les aspirations normatives et les contraintes structurelles de la politique d'alliances. & Agrave; travers une analyse historique et contemporaine couvrant la p & eacute;riode s'& eacute;talant de 1947 aux cons & eacute;quences des attaques du Hamas du 7 octobre, l'& eacute;tude retrace comment les positions du Canada ont oscill & eacute; entre un soutien d & eacute;clar & eacute; au droit international et un alignement pratique sur les priorit & eacute;s du bloc occidental. En s'appuyant sur les registres de vote de l'ONU, les d & eacute;clarations officielles et les & eacute;pisodes politiques sous les gouvernements successifs, il d & eacute;montre que si les moments d'action fond & eacute;e sur des principes - tels que les embargos ou le soutien aux m & eacute;canismes humanitaires - persistent, ils sont fr & eacute;quemment contrebalanc & eacute;s par des abstentions, des propos & eacute;vasifs ou une r & eacute;ticence & agrave; demander des comptes aux alli & eacute;s. La p & eacute;riode post & eacute;rieure au 7 octobre, marqu & eacute;e par une polarisation g & eacute;opolitique accrue, r & eacute;v & egrave;le & agrave; la fois la capacit & eacute; et les limites du multilat & eacute;ralisme s & eacute;lectif & agrave; maintenir la cr & eacute;dibilit & eacute; du Canada en tant que b & acirc;tisseur de ponts. L'article conclut que la pertinence future du Canada dans la diplomatie multilat & eacute;rale d & eacute;pendra de sa capacit & eacute; & agrave; allier coh & eacute;rence juridique et engagement strat & eacute;gique cr & eacute;dible, m & ecirc;me si cela implique des co & ucirc;ts politiques et des co & ucirc;ts en mati & egrave;re d'alliances.
Canada's pursuit of Small Modular Reactors (SMRs) is analysed using discourse network analysis to trace the policy debate and evolution of discourse coalitions from 2014 to 2023. The study reveals a shift from early technical discussions to a policy debate increasingly focused on climate change, feasibility, economic benefits, and international partnerships. A pro-SMR coalition, initially composed of industry and provincial actors, expanded to include federal agencies, multilateral organizations, and foreign governments and firms, gaining influence through strategic narratives and institutionalization efforts. While polarization has decreased, contentious issues like nuclear waste, safety, and economic viability persist. The study identifies key actors who served as information bridges within the network and reveals how the coalition's narrative aligns with international discourses on clean and affordable energy. La poursuite par le Canada du d & eacute;veloppement des petits r & eacute;acteurs modulaires (PRM) est examin & eacute;e & agrave; l'aide de l'analyse de r & eacute;seaux discursifs afin de retracer le d & eacute;bat politique et l'& eacute;volution des coalitions discursives de 2014 & agrave; 2023. L'& eacute;tude r & eacute;v & egrave;le un glissement des discussions techniques initiales vers un d & eacute;bat politique de plus en plus centr & eacute; sur le changement climatique, la faisabilit & eacute;, les avantages & eacute;conomiques et les partenariats internationaux. Une coalition en faveur des PRM, initialement compos & eacute;e d'acteurs industriels et provinciaux, s'est & eacute;largie pour inclure des agences f & eacute;d & eacute;rales, des organisations multilat & eacute;rales, ainsi que des gouvernements et des entreprises & eacute;trangers, gagnant en influence gr & acirc;ce & agrave; des discours strat & eacute;giques et des efforts d'institutionnalisation. Bien que la polarisation ait diminu & eacute;, des questions controvers & eacute;es telles que celle des d & eacute;chets nucl & eacute;aires, de la s & eacute;curit & eacute; et de la viabilit & eacute; & eacute;conomique persistent. L'& eacute;tude identifie des acteurs cl & eacute;s qui ont servi de relais d'information au sein du r & eacute;seau et r & eacute;v & egrave;le comment le discours de la coalition s'aligne sur les discours internationaux favorables & agrave; une & eacute;nergie propre et abordable.
This paper describes and assesses recent international activism by Canadian provinces - also known as "paradiplomacy" with an emphasis on interaction with American states. The title of this paper is a play on the clich & eacute; about placing new wine in old bottles; meaning trying to squeeze something new into an established pattern or order. We argue the bottles (established order) have changed but the wine being poured into them has not (familiar strategies); same wine into new bottles. We simply ask why that is the case and theorize that established strategies are the result of embedded ideas regarding the legitimacy of specific subfederal foreign relations and just as much about the pursuit of provincial objectives in Canadian federalism as international goals. As an extension, we conclude that familiar subfederal strategies retain a functionalism and consistency in Canadian federalism that disincentivizes strategic innovation. Cet article d & eacute;crit et & eacute;value l'activisme international r & eacute;cent des provinces canadiennes - & eacute;galement connu sous le nom de << paradiplomatie >> - en mettant l'accent sur l'interaction avec les & Eacute;tats am & eacute;ricains. Le titre de cet article est un jeu de mots autour de l'image du << remplissage de vieilles bouteilles avec du vin nouveau >> ; qui signifie essayer de faire entrer quelque chose de nouveau dans un mod & egrave;le ou un ordre & eacute;tabli. Nous soutenons que les bouteilles (ordre & eacute;tabli) ont chang & eacute; mais pas le vin qui y est vers & eacute; (strat & eacute;gies famili & egrave;res) ; le m & ecirc;me vin dans de nouvelles bouteilles. Nous demandons simplement pourquoi il en est ainsi et th & eacute;orisons que les strat & eacute;gies & eacute;tablies sont le r & eacute;sultat d'id & eacute;es ancr & eacute;es concernant la l & eacute;gitimit & eacute; des relations & eacute;trang & egrave;res subf & eacute;d & eacute;rales sp & eacute;cifiques et tout autant la poursuite d'objectifs provinciaux dans le f & eacute;d & eacute;ralisme canadien, que d'objectifs internationaux. Par extension, nous concluons que les strat & eacute;gies subf & eacute;d & eacute;rales famili & egrave;res conservent un fonctionnalisme et une coh & eacute;rence dans le f & eacute;d & eacute;ralisme canadien qui d & eacute;couragent l'innovation strat & eacute;gique.
In the competition between the United States and China, innovation in digital technology plays a key role in both economic and military capacities. China, a rival of the U.S., has been increasing its influence by providing military assistance to other nations. This study aims to explore the impact of China's progress in digital technology on its military support as a reflection of its readiness to challenge U.S. dominance. As China's digital technology capabilities grow, it is clear that their increased military aid to authoritarian countries, rogue states, countries hostile to the U.S., rising powers, and U.S. allies in the Indo-Pacific region signifies a clear intention for power transition as a revisionist. As China's digital technology capabilities grow, empirical evidence confirms that Chinese military assistance is being directed towards rogue nations, countries hostile to the U.S., and rising global powers. Dans la concurrence entre les & Eacute;tats-Unis et la Chine, l'innovation en mati & egrave;re de technologie num & eacute;rique joue un r & ocirc;le central dans les capacit & eacute;s & eacute;conomiques et militaires. La Chine, rivale des & Eacute;tats-Unis, accro & icirc;t son influence en fournissant une assistance militaire & agrave; d'autres pays. Cette & eacute;tude a pour objectif d'explorer l'impact des progr & egrave;s de la Chine dans la technologie num & eacute;rique sur son soutien militaire, en tant que reflet de sa volont & eacute; de d & eacute;fier la domination des & Eacute;tats-Unis. Alors que les capacit & eacute;s de la Chine en mati & egrave;re de technologie num & eacute;rique augmentent, il s'av & egrave;re que l'accroissement de son aide aux pays autoritaires, aux & Eacute;tats voyous, aux pays hostiles aux & Eacute;tats-Unis, aux puissances montantes et aux alli & eacute;s des & Eacute;tats-Unis dans la r & eacute;gion indopacifique t & eacute;moigne d'une intention claire de transition du pouvoir en tant que r & eacute;visionniste. Alors que les capacit & eacute;s de la Chine en mati & egrave;re de technologie num & eacute;rique augmentent, des preuves empiriques confirment que l'aide militaire chinoise est dirig & eacute;e vers des & Eacute;tats voyous, des pays hostiles aux & Eacute;tats-Unis et des puissances mondiales en plein essor.
The Crown's duty to consult Indigenous peoples on potential adverse impacts on Aboriginal Rights and Title has become a cornerstone of Canadian Aboriginal law over the past 20 years. However, critical gaps remain in available legal protections. For instance, while administrative decisions, such as permitting for natural resource extraction, are subject to the duty to consult, they cannot be challenged for potentially infringing rights until the alleged infringements have occurred and affected Indigenous groups can marshal the resources necessary to bring their claims to court. This vulnerability has hindered the potential for section 35 of the Constitution Act, 1982, to recognize and uphold Indigenous laws and jurisdiction. We argue that good-faith implementation of UNDRIP Article 27 - calling for the establishment of joint Indigenous-Crown processes for adjudicating issues relating to the rights of Indigenous peoples - would help address such gaps and vulnerabilities. We examine statutes, bills and government-to-government agreements that recognize Indigenous law-making power, as well as recent court decisions, notably Montour (QCSC 2023), and Restoule (SCC 2024), to assess how implementation of Article 27 might cohere with and further develop the current state of the law.
