Abstract Many societies are polarized and siloed, which impedes progress on wicked problems like climate change, racism, and poverty. This study considers the role universities nurturing trust and shared understanding by adapting international dialogue facilitation strategies to a local university context. We conducted 12 semi-structured interviews with senior policymakers and civil society leaders to explore the potential role of publicly-funded universities in Canada to help government and civil society tackle “wicked” problems. Key barriers to solving wicked problems include disconnection, misaligned incentives, mistrust, issue complexity, and a lack of dialogue forums. Participants welcomed the idea of an enduring university-based entity to facilitate dialogue, understanding, and collaboration on long-term issues. Communities and policymakers expect universities to play a facilitative role in society rather than merely “pushing” research into communities; and welcomed a university-based entity to adapt international dialogue facilitation techniques to broker transcultural, transdisciplinary, and cross-sectoral collaboration on tackling wicked problems.
Abstract Based on newly assembled data on resolutions authorizing peace missions and their extensions between 1948 and early 2024, we explore coalitions in the United Nations Security Council ( unsc ) involving both the five permanent (P5) and the ten elected, non-permanent member states (E10). We combine a basic quantitative exploration of voting behavior with a qualitative assessment of selected resolutions and related statements. The focus is notably on abstentions, as ‘no’ votes by P5 members imply a resolution does not pass. We apply a range of coalition-formation theories to gain insights into coalition dynamics and find that respective approaches need adaptations for the case of the Security Council: Coalition-formation in this institution, as our analysis demonstrates, is driven by motives such as parochial national interests, expected audience costs (including effects on a member state’s standing within the organization), and lastly, aspirations to uphold the collective legitimacy and credibility of the institution.
Abstract This article examines how cultural time orientations of Long-Term Orientation ( lto ) and Short-Term Orientation ( sto ) shape negotiation behavior in the South China Sea ( scs ) conflict. Combining constructivist theory with Hofstede’s cultural dimensions, it argues that culture is a constitutive variable in diplomatic strategy. Using a mixed-methods approach, the research compares East Asian states (China, Japan, South Korea), which exhibit high lto , with the sto -driven diplomacy of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations ( asean ). The findings show that lto cultures emphasize persistence, thrift, hierarchy, and historical continuity, enabling consistent and future-oriented negotiation strategies. In contrast, asean ’s sto values encourage flexibility, consensus, and short-term harmony, resulting in more reactive and fragmented responses. The article concludes that enduring asymmetries in scs negotiations cannot be understood without accounting for the normative and symbolic functions of culture. It calls for greater cultural calibration in regional diplomacy to foster more effective, balanced, and sustainable negotiation outcomes.
Abstract Those who seek to make and build peace have a number of tools at their disposal. Since the end of the Cold War, negotiation and mediation between conflicting parties has become an increasingly common part of this toolkit. These approaches avoid the expense of other activities but significant debates have arisen about their effectiveness and the features that determine their success or failure. In this article, we consider an often-overlooked aspect of peace negotiation and mediation processes—how they are funded. We assess the importance of how a negotiation is financed for successful conflict resolution and assess the threats and opportunities therein. Based on 48 semi-structured interviews, we find a series of interlinked financing threats that could inhibit negotiation processes, pertaining to informational asymmetries, misaligned incentives, and collective action problems. While resulting in losses of efficiency, no evidence emerges that these threats materially affect outcomes once a negotiation has begun. At the same time, there is some potential that inappropriate financing inhibits the start of negotiations in conflicts that are ripe for resolution.
Abstract The Cyprus conflict has persisted for nearly six decades despite multiple resolution attempts. The Greek Cypriot leadership advocates for continued bi-communal, bi-zonal federation talks under the UN framework, while Turkish Cypriot decision-makers promote a two-state structure that recognizes Turkish Cypriot sovereignty. This article explores the cooperation within technical committees ( tc s) in Cyprus to determine if and how they contribute to peace given the current political impasse. We conducted interviews with former and current tc members, committee coordinators, and experts and found that most committees have completed projects improving the daily lives of both Cypriot communities. However, these projects have been obstructed by each side’s political agenda, funding and staffing challenges, international actors’ differing views of their role, the public’s general lack of awareness, and communication issues. Despite these challenges, the tc s connect Track i , Track ii , and Track iii actors, helping them develop a crucial foundation for peace in Cyprus.
