This chapter presents results of a research project developed within the scope of a larger project, entitled “Federal Asymmetries in Times of Covid-19: Diagnoses and Impacts of Recommendation No. 62 of the CNJ in Mato Grosso do Sul, Rio de Janeiro and Rio Grande do Sul”, approved by Capes Notice 12/2021. To this end, quantitative and qualitative data on habeas corpus petitions filed with the Courts of Justice of the three states between 2020 and 2022 were collected and analyzed. In this work, we will present an analysis of habeas corpus petitions filed with the Courts of Justice of Mato Grosso do Sul and Rio de Janeiro, with a focus on the judgments in which the “guarantee of public order” was used as a basis for denying the requests. Thus, the work seeks to reflect on the recurring use of this indeterminate category of Law in an extraordinary context such as that of the Covid-19 Pandemic in Brazil. From the analysis of the full content of the habeas corpus writs, it was possible to conclude that the indiscriminate and generic uses of the guarantee of public order by the courts studied reveal more about criminal policy ideologies than legal provisions, which results in violation of rights and more incarceration.
Brazil is beginning a new period in its recent history. It leaves behind obscurantism to glimpse a way out towards the light. Democracy was attacked, science was despised, and religious fundamentalism tried to banish the opponent, the different. Lula's third term received a cursed inheritance resulting from government actions that contributed to economic, social and political regression. In Health, the disaster of institutional denialism; in Education, the regression with a record of widespread corruption; and in the Environment, actions to destroy the forest, dismantle environmental protection agencies and leniency towards miners, drug traffickers, militiamen and illegal loggers. In Foreign Affairs, a minister who turns Brazil into a pariah in the world. Lula's victory in 2022 marked the beginning of a new era, the return of civility. Since then, ignorance and obscurantism have been combated despite the intransigence of remaining authoritarian and coup-plotting groups. Now it is time to combat impunity, overcoming and rebuilding.
Conferência originalmente ministrada oralmente no II Encontro da Frente Latinoamericana de Antropologia do Direito, na Cidade do México, 2024.
In this article, the freedom of expression and opinion of communication professionals will be analyzed, understanding their personal rights, duties, and obligations, with the issue that aims to question whether there is total freedom of opinion for journalists or whether there are legal rules and limits to be followed. The objective is to understand the limits of the journalist's personality rights in the exercise of their profession. The work has as its theoretical reference the document entitled "Freedom of expression in Brazil", published by the Special Rapporteur for Freedom of Expression of the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights. Therefore, it will be analyzed later, if the existence of such limits is verified, whether they are legitimate or affect personality rights. The approach method to be used is deductive, which, through general premises, allows particular conclusions to be found. The results found demonstrate that journalists, in fact, have rights and duties, as well as that their personality rights are related to the protection of essential attributes of the human person, such as dignity, honor, image, privacy and freedom of expression. Although the journalist cannot be censored, he must respect the principles of the profession, such as impartiality, contradiction, checking the facts of the news being published, respecting the sources and understanding the social responsibility of his publications and the public interest that your news has.
This essay seeks to highlight the constitutive aspects of conservative political thought. Through bibliographical research, a discussion is made around some of the most important themes of political conservatism, highlighting, especially, its theoretical assumptions and the contributions of some of the most prominent authors of this current in the 20th century. By way of conclusion, the defining characteristics of this ideology are emphasized, at which time its similarities and divergences with other currents are discussed.
The aim of this article is to analyze how discourse can politically operate in the process of radicalizing democracy, exploring the theoretical contributions of Ernesto Laclau (1935-2014) and Chantal Mouffe (1943-) in their seminal work Hegemony and Socialist Strategy: Towards a Radical Democratic Politics, published in 1985. Laclau and Mouffe's proposal is grounded in the idea that the construction of hegemony is a discursive process, where the articulation of social and political demands is crucial for the formation of collective identities and political mobilization. The article also incorporates contemporary discussions and reflections from authors who engage with the political theory of the two thinkers, especially in the Brazilian context. By examining the radicalization of democracy, the research focuses on how political discourses shape democratic practices and citizen participation, highlighting the importance of pluralism and contestation. In this way, it seeks to understand the power dynamics that emerge in public spaces, as well as the discursive strategies that can strengthen radical democracy, contributing to greater inclusion and representativeness in the political sphere.
Conversei com Marlon Weichert em abril de 2019, na cidade de São Paulo, em seu gabinete, onde fui recebida em um dos edifícios do Ministério Público Federal, após uma chuva torrencial que me pegou no caminho para o nosso encontro. O contexto era dos primeiros meses do governo de Jair Bolsonaro ocupando a Presidência da República e toda a investida contrária às políticas adotadas em torno do que chamamos de Justiça de Transição. Naquela época, uma das últimas fronteiras “blindadas” desse movimento de desmonte estava no Grupo de Trabalho Justiça de Transição e na agenda do Ministério Público Federal em perseguir a alternativa judicial no campo da prestação de contas pelas violências e abusos de direitos humanos praticados no período da ditadura militar no Brasil (1964-1985). Marlon era uma das pessoas mais importantes dessa inovação judicial no Brasil pois esteve envolvido com ela antes mesmo da ideia se concretizar. Sua trajetória acompanhando os trabalhos pela busca dos desaparecidos do Araguaia, da Corte Interamericana de Direitos Humanos no caso Gomes Lund e todo o caminho que se pavimentou a partir do envolvimento do Ministério Público Federal com o tema, deu novos contornos ao tema e o encontro foi fundamental para compor minha tese de doutorado defendida em 2021 pelo PPGCP/UFF intitulada “A Justiça de Transição e os Direitos Humanos: A Persecução Judicial pelo Ministério Público Federal dos Crimes Praticados no Período da Ditadura Militar.” Essa é uma oportunidade de compartilhar com a comunidade acadêmica a mesma experiência que tive.
El trabajo describe con detalle las circunstancias sociales y las prácticas institucionales que hacen posible la desaparición de personas y se propone arrojar luz acerca de este fenómeno en la Ciudad de México durante el periodo de 2019 a 2023. De la descripción, basada en registros oficiales, resulta evidente que la desaparición de personas es un Crimen de Estado por inacción o por acciones inapropiadas que pretenden negar la desaparición como un problema que alcanza dimensiones alarmantes. Se trata, asimismo, de un problema que es de la mayor relevancia por los daños irreparables que ocasiona en el tejido social y que, en último término, cuestiona la capacidad y la voluntad política del Estado para brindar seguridad y protección a la población. El texto también aborda las características socio demográficas de las personas que constituyen la mayoría de quienes desaparecen, así como los motivos de su desaparición y su más probable destino. De igual modo, documenta las inconsistencias que detectamos en los registros oficiales de las muertes por homicidio y la manera como esto contribuye a incrementar el número de personas desaparecidas.
This is a lecture given at the celebration of the tenth anniversary of the Latin American Forum of Anthropology of Law, held in Mexico City on October 22, 2024, at UNAM. The text discusses the particular way in which citizenship and unequal treatment are articulated in Brazil, based on the tension between two conceptions of equality: (1) the conception that emphasizes equality of rights among all citizens, dominant in our constitution, and (2) the one that subordinates the allocation of rights to the analysis of merit, causing differences in treatment to be experienced as inequality in access to rights. Inspired by Aristotle's formulations, but disseminated in Brazil through Rui Barbosa's definition, according to which “The rule of equality consists only in giving unequal shares to the unequal, to the extent that they are unequal”, the second conception privileges the merit of individuals, as opposed to the merit of the situation or circumstance of reference, as occurs in the United States, taken as a counterpoint in the text. The debate on Aristotle's formulations in the United States is contrasted with conflict management practices in our judiciary, where the recurrence of decisions based on the citizen's social status or condition makes clear the prevailing pattern of unequal treatment. Keywords: citizenship, unequal treatment, conceptions of equality, judiciary, Brazil, United States.
Diretas Já: from political institutions to massive protests The aim of this article is to analyze the conditions that led to the emergence of Diretas Já in Brazil. We support the hypothesis that the movement was articulated by political actors and segments of organized civil society, the result of political strategies that led to popular mobilizations in favor of direct elections for president. We also argue that those who catalyzed and sustained the Diretas Já movement were the opposition parties to the military regime, especially the Brazilian Democratic Movement Party (PMDB). By this, we do not mean that the campaign was a simple party strategy, since the movement took shape from the intensification of the political system's interactions and connections with various social sectors that were already protesting against the government. However, based on theories of collective action that define such actions as coordinated efforts based on common interests, we conclude that Diretas Já represented a mass movement in which political leaders coordinated the participation of a wide range of actors, creating repertoires of protest and exploiting political opportunities, regardless of the consequences of the Dante de Oliveira Amendment. Keywords: Collective action; Social movements; Diretas Já; Military regime; Redemocratization
This article will address the creation of the Brazilian Socialist Party, from the elements of institutional formation to its electoral performance since 1945. A historical-comparative analysis will be proposed between the establishment of the PSB and the major parties of the 1946 Republic — PSD, UDN and PTB. The objective will be to establish possible causes of the unique organizational development experienced by the PSB, through the observation of embryonic organizational traits and the organization-environment interaction in the first years of its existence, as well as electoral data from the period. The results show the causal sufficiency of the state origin for the consolidation of the reference parties, absent in the case of the PSB.
Conversei com Eugenia Gonzaga em abril de 2019, na cidade de São Paulo, em seu gabinete, onde fui recebida em um dos edifícios do Ministério Público Federal, em um dia lindo de sol e tempo bom em São Paulo. No que cheguei à cidade, fui direto do aeroporto de Congonhas até a Martins Fontes por ocasião do lançamento do livro Walther Moreira Salles: O banqueiro-embaixador e a construção do Brasil, de autoria de Luis Nassif, a convite de Eugenia, onde tive minhas primeiras impressões com a minha entrevistada. Ao encontrá-la, de forma muito calorosa, fui apresentada por Eugenia ao seu filho, o Vini, fotógrafo do evento. Foi um encontro bem distinto de todos que já experimentei em campo de pesquisa e que trago comigo até hoje. Desde lá, Eugenia permanece sendo uma presença paulistana em minha trajetória, mesmo longe, nos mantemos conectadas de algum modo. O contexto, naquela época, era dos primeiros meses do governo de Jair Bolsonaro ocupando a Presidência da República com todas as perspectivas de mudanças e sucateamento da agenda sobre Justiça de Transição e de políticas de direitos humanos no país. Eugenia, naqueles primeiros meses de governo, chegou a compartilhar o temor de uma interrupção dos trabalhos no tema e as probabilidades reduzidas de sua permanência na Comissão Especial de Mortos e Desaparecidos Políticos. O que meses depois acabou se confirmando com sua exoneração em agosto do mesmo ano. Esse encontro era muito desejado e foi fundamental para uma leitura mais sensível sobre as inovações judiciais que foram operacionalizadas no campo da persecução criminal das violações aos direitos humanos praticadas no período da ditadura militar no país. Mudou minha maneira de refletir sobre meu objeto de pesquisa de doutorado de modo a me permitir dimensionar e situar melhor o fenômeno que eu estava observando, entender as inquietações que envolveram o início dessa inovação jurídica e judicial no Brasil. Foi muito importante para compor a minha tese de doutoramento defendida em 2021 pelo PPGCP/UFF intitulada “A Justiça de Transição e os Direitos Humanos: A Persecução Judicial pelo Ministério Público Federal dos Crimes Praticados no Período da Ditadura Militar.” Convido e compartilho com a comunidade acadêmica o mesmo exercício que tive a oportunidade de experimentar.
A entrevista com Paulo Novaes Coutinho foi realizada em meio à pandemia, em função de minha dissertação de mestrado em Ciência Política, que investiga a construção da Comissão de Anistia. Devido às restrições de circulação e a outras medidas adotadas contra a COVID-19, a entrevista precisou ser realizada a distância, em um momento em que poucos dispunham de equipamentos adequados para entrevistas online. Por essa razão, a entrevista possui indicações de momentos em que não foi possível identificar com clareza palavras e termos. Apesar dessas dificuldades, Coutinho — como prefere ser chamado — concedeu uma valiosa entrevista na qual narra sua formação política ainda na juventude, sua participação na Revolta dos Marinheiros de 1964, os anos de clandestinidade e, sobretudo, sua trajetória junto à Unidade de Mobilização Nacional pela Anistia (UMNA), pela defesa da anistia e pela reparação de militares e trabalhadores não-anistiados pela Lei de 1979.
A entrevista a seguir, cedida por Aderson Bussinger Carvalho oferece um amplo panorama dos percursos legais das políticas de reparação às vítimas da ditadura militar. Foi a primeira de uma série de entrevistas destinadas a investigar a participação das associações de trabalhadores e militares perseguidos na construção da comissão de anistia, sendo Aderson entrevistado por sua longa dedicação a essa causa. Nela, o advogado e militante narra sua experiência política na juventude, sua atuação jurídica em defesa de trabalhadores perseguidos pelo regime, o percurso histórico da legislação de anistia e sua contribuição, junto à Associação Brasileira de Anistiados Políticos (ABAP), para a construção e consolidação da Comissão de Anistia.
In the fifteenth century, being a colonial power gained international prestige, from World War II onwards, it was despicable, unacceptable by the international community. On the other hand, the post-World War II period marks an era of affirmation of emancipatory political movements in favor of decolonization that took advantage of the change in international political culture, including the appearance of normative instruments such as the United Nations Charter (which embodies the principle of self-determination of peoples) and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. The main objective of this article is to analyze the evolution of the political-social process of Cape Verde in the post-colonial period (1975-1990) and to try to understand if the political practice based on the principle of security of the party-state did not compromise in certain cases the political practice of human security and national survival, as basic principles of independence. It is concluded that the legitimizing discourse of national independence stood out for a teleological vision of a future of peace, development, progress, security and national survival. However, there was a duality between an authoritarian political practice and a discursive rhetoric to guarantee human security, sometimes contradictory. We intend to clarify these assumptions through a comparative, historical-political methodology, testimony of testimonies and political actors, research and analysis of document contents and induce our problematic from the contextual reality of the period.
The Diretas J & aacute; event dialogues with Brazilian historic popular mobilizations and, at the same time, reveals meanings that make it possible to think of the political dimensions of mass movements in a broad spectrum of possibilities. In this regard, looking at its dimension as a celebration and spectacle for democracy, this article seeks to explore the relationship between a recent festive moment in national life: the swearing-in ceremony of President Luiz In AE cio Lula da Silva on January 1, 2023 (which ritualized the end of Jair Bolsonaro's far-right government), known as the Festival do Futuro, and the Diretas J & aacute; campaign. The Festival do Futuro was a ritual that went beyond the logic of political ceremonial. The planned and predicted celebration was crossed by a group of temporalities and affections, brought together in an idea of communion, materialized beyond the routine formalities of the solemnity of the inauguration. Under this perspective, the article reflects on socio-historical issues related to this event and discusses how the festival became a moment of public sharing, emerging as a celebration and a language, capable of translating, through the presence of bodies in assembly, a form of enchantment that becomes generative and creative of possibilities for the future, just like the Diretas J & aacute;, 40 years ago. The reflection seeks to interpret how the experience and media circulation of popular street occupation events such as the Festival do Futuro, on social media profiles, allow perceptions to be shared about collectively imagined futures in contemporary Brazilian society.
This work is a brief exposition of the concept of citizenship described by T.H. Marshall and the relationship between this category-present in the Constitution of the Federative Republic of Brazil 1988 as the foundation of our Democratic State of Law and present in our legal discourse as a fundamental right of access to justice-and recent forms of virtual access to the judiciary. With technological innovations and the virtualization of the Brazilian justice system, especially since the COVID-19 pandemic, access to justice has undergone technological changes and has begun to be seen from a new perspective in the field of law, with the aim of facilitating people in the judicialization of social demands and monitoring of legal proceedings. However, in this context, there is the issue of procedural acts carried out virtually due to financial hyposufficiency or digital illiteracy, which has caused a new barrier between society and the Judiciary, with the consequent lack of access to justice. In the course of the text we analyze and describe empirical research carried out in this digital scenario of the Judiciary, especially in the state of Rio de Janeiro and the state of Santa Catarina, which problematize the virtual process in different places and yet converge in their reflections. The aim of this work is to problematize how the legal institute of citizenship is repeatedly updated in a peculiar way by Brazilian society.
This essay will address the creation of the Brazilian Socialist Party, from the elements of institutional formation to its performance in the first electoral cycles, to investigate the causes of its low consolidation in the period 1945-1965. Low consolidation is understood as the association between (i) weak institutionalization and (ii) incipient electoral performance. A historical-comparative analysis will be proposed between the establishment of the PSB and the major parties of the Republic of 1946 - PSD, UDN and PTB. This methodology allows the evaluation of causal combinations of necessity and sufficiency for the occurrence of the phenomenon studied, as an alternative to multivariate regression analyses. The objective will be to establish possible causes of the sui generis organizational development experienced by the PSB, through the observation of embryonic organizational traits and the organization-environment interaction in the first years of its existence, as well as electoral data from the period. The results suggest a causal sufficiency of the state origin for the consolidation of the reference parties, absent in the case of the PSB.
