This article presents a new way to map the ideologies in Brazilian political thought, moving away from traditional classifications based on schools, lineages, or intellectual families toward a typology focused on the idea of ideology itself. It suggests that the main interpreters of Brazilian political ideas have often classified traditions using a dichotomy between idealism (considered false) and realism (considered true)-a distinction that itself carries ideological bias. To avoid such simplifications, the article adopts a perspective viewing political languages and ideologies as historically shaped discursive constructs. The proposed mapping considers three criteria: position on the political spectrum (right, center, left), intensity (moderate or radical), and geopolitical orientation (universalism or peripheral particularism). Using these axes, the article identifies ten major ideologies in Brazil, including democratic liberalism, cosmopolitan socialism, statist conservatism, and fascism. The goal is to challenge the recurring idea that political ideas in Brazil are "out of place" and to provide an analytical framework for future research into the country's political culture.
This study seeks to measure and explain the variation in Brazil's naval power between 1822 and 1900. The measure of naval power adopted is the annual tonnage of combat ships, both in absolute terms and as a proportion of the naval power of Great Britain, the greatest maritime power of the period, and that of Argentina, Brazil's greatest regional rival. We have developed five hypotheses to explain variation in Brazilian naval power, which consider the impact of the Navy's political power, the dynamism of the national economy, wars, pressure from the hegemonic power, and the country's international maritime trade. We found that wars decisively influenced the expansion of the Brazilian Navy's military capacity, while the end of conflicts led to a decline in that capacity. However, domestic political factors were fundamental to the main episodes of sharp decline in naval power, especially at the end of the monarchical regime.
This article examines how racial data is produced within the S & atilde;o Paulo criminal justice system, analyzing its role as a tool of power and as an instrument of institutional erasure. The research uses a qualitative approach, combining documentary analysis with requests made through the Access to Information Law (LAI) to gather responses from the Civil Police and the S & atilde;o Paulo Court of Justice. The results highlight regulatory gaps, lack of standardization, and help distinguish between racial data and race: while race results from the convergence of different racialized markers, racial data is created within the normative and bureaucratic boundaries of the state, making it essential to understand how such information is produced, managed, and stored. This study offers guidelines for public policies within the CNJ and TJSP and contributes to methodological and epistemological discussions of the production and documentation of racial data in legal research.
This article examines the disputes surrounding Cemig and Furnas to understand how different state projects have played out in Minas Gerais politics during the administrations of Itamar Franco (1999-2003) and Romeu Zema (2019-present). The research uses a qualitative approach, focusing on political discourse, journalistic sources, and official documents. The evidence indicates that Itamar led political and legal resistance to privatization, defending state sovereignty, while Zema advances a divestment agenda aligned with the financialization of the state. The study concludes that the debate over Minas Gerais state-owned enterprises reflects broader conflicts over federative autonomy, public assets, and development models. It contributes to the discussion of the role of state-owned companies in modern Brazil, emphasizing that energy policy is not only a strategic sector but also a battleground among different state projects, regional interests, and visions of national development.
This article examines the normative ideas of civil disobedience as developed by John Rawls and Jurgen Habermas, focusing on their importance for understanding protest practices in modern democracies. Drawing on Rawls' view of civil disobedience as a response to civil rights violations and Habermas' view of it as a broader political activity, the study compares both models through the case of the burning of the Borba Gato statue in S & atilde;o Paulo in 2021. It concludes that the Habermasian approach better reflects the political aspects of the act, framing it as a legitimate form of citizenship in reaction to democratic shortcomings.
