The unsafe conditions that education workers in Mexico face as they carry out their work in context of criminal violence and high levels of criminal activity constitute challenges that have an impact on everyday practices in schools. Currently, delving into this dimension of teaching from an anthropological perspective and an ethnographic approach shows what happens to teachers' careers and their subjectivities in dealing with these increasingly recurrent problems in areas where drug trafficking is expanding. At the same time, it allows us to find conceptual clues to understand, from the perspective of teaching, the violence caused by the dispute between armed groups seeking to monopolize illegal economies on the margins of the state. The article's interest lies in describing the deployment of a repertoire of violence in school environments in Michoacan, as well as the limitations of educational policy in addressing local problems.
Why did Chile's think tank sector become more concentrated even as supply and demand for expert opinion expanded? This article examines nine organizations between 2011 and 2022, tracking 18,948 public interventions and conducting sixty-six interviews with think tank members and stakeholders to understand this apparent paradox. While political crises, from student movements to the 2019 social "outbreak" offered opportunities for new voices to emerge, established think tanks systematically consolidated their advantages. This article develops the concept of intellectual infrastructure-the material, institutional, technological, and network conditions enabling expert interventions-to explain how advantages in funding and media access become self-reinforcing. In a middle-income country where international funding dried up without the emergence of domestic philanthropy, organizations with larger, more flexibly allocated resources could effectively crowd out competitors. This challenges assumptions about expertise democratization, revealing how intellectual authority becomes concentrated even during periods of apparent openness. & iquest;Por qu & eacute; el ecosistema de think tanks en Chile se volvi & oacute; m & aacute;s concentrado incluso despu & eacute;s de que tanto la oferta como la demanda de opini & oacute;n experta se expandieran? Este art & iacute;culo examina nueve organizaciones entre 2011 y 2022, utilizando 18.948 intervenciones p & uacute;blicas y sesenta y seis entrevistas con miembros de think tanks y otros actores relevantes para comprender esta paradoja. Si bien las crisis pol & iacute;ticas -desde movimientos estudiantiles hasta el "estallido social"- ofrecieron oportunidades para que surgieran nuevas voces, los think tanks establecidos consolidaron sistem & aacute;ticamente sus ventajas. Este art & iacute;culo desarrolla el concepto de infraestructura intelectual -las condiciones materiales, institucionales, tecnol & oacute;gicas y de redes que posibilitan las intervenciones p & uacute;blicas- para explicar c & oacute;mo ventajas en financiamiento y acceso a los medios tienden a perpetuarse. En un pa & iacute;s de ingreso medio donde el financiamiento internacional se agot & oacute; sin que emergiera una filantrop & iacute;a local, las organizaciones con recursos m & aacute;s amplios y asignados con mayor flexibilidad pudieron efectivamente "desplazar" a sus competidores. Esto desaf & iacute;a los supuestos sobre la democratizaci & oacute;n de la expertise, revelando c & oacute;mo la autoridad intelectual se concentra incluso en per & iacute;odos de aparente apertura.
This article introduces the Database on South America's Transnational Human Rights Violations. We describe this dataset, which provides rich descriptive statistics on 805 victims of transnational repression between 1969 and 1981. We show how it complements the existing literature on transnational repression by focusing on a historical instance of collaboration among South America's dictatorships that jointly silenced hundreds of dissidents living in exile abroad during their reigns of terror. This new data generates novel conclusions that help better understand the complex dynamics of transnational repression and Operation Condor in the region while also providing useful insights for contemporary instances of transnational repression. The most original empirical takeaways from our dataset include the following: (1) Uruguayans are the largest victim group by nationality; (2) political activists constitute the majority of the victims by affiliation; and (3) clandestine renditions of the victims occurred in a quarter of the recorded cases.
This article examines the role of physicians in reinforcing structures of violence in the slaveholding society of nineteenth-century S & atilde;o Lu & iacute;s, Maranh & atilde;o. Focusing on two cases, it shows how medical professionals collaborated with elite slaveholders, particularly Ana Rosa Viana Ribeiro and Carlos Fernando Ribeiro, in concealing the abuse, torture, and deaths of enslaved individuals. The study analyzes both the denial of medical care to the enslaved woman Carolina by Dr. Paulo Saulnier de Pierrelev & eacute;e and the fabrication of forensic evidence by Dr. Antonio dos Santos Jacintho to cover up the murder of the enslaved boy Inoc & ecirc;ncio. In Brazil, where medical institutions developed within the broader framework of slavery, such complicity was neither exceptional nor incidental. Rather than merely exposing tensions between scientific authority and the brutality of slavery, these cases reveal how medical legitimacy was used to justify violence and reinforce the impunity of the slaveholding class. Drawing on newspapers, police reports, court records, and forensic documents, the article demonstrates the complicity of medical discourse in sustaining enslavement and legitimizing its power.
This article examines the evolution of COVID-19 vaccination efforts during 2021 and 2022 in six Central American countries, each with distinct social policy legacies and political regimes. Drawing on official data sources, the article differentiates two phases: the initial rollout of vaccines and the subsequent expansion of second-dose coverage to secure immunity. We advance three main arguments. First, differences in performance can be partly explained by the state capacities needed to implement vaccination campaigns. Second, regime type does not explain success; Nicaragua matched the performance of the most effective democratic countries. Third, presidential will accounts for the divergent trajectories of autocratic regimes. These findings underscore that in times of crisis, effective social intervention is possible without democratic pressures and accountability and highlight the need to further examine variation within nondemocratic regimes. Este art & iacute;culo examina la evoluci & oacute;n de los esfuerzos de vacunaci & oacute;n contra el COVID-19 durante 2021 y 2022 en seis pa & iacute;ses centroamericanos, cada uno con legados de pol & iacute;tica social y reg & iacute;menes pol & iacute;ticos distintos. Bas & aacute;ndose en fuentes de datos oficiales, el art & iacute;culo diferencia entre dos fases clave: el despliegue inicial de las vacunas y la posterior expansi & oacute;n de la cobertura de la segunda dosis para garantizar la inmunidad. Presentamos tres argumentos principales. En primer lugar, las diferencias en los resultados pueden explicarse en parte por las capacidades estatales necesarias para implementar las campa & ntilde;as de vacunaci & oacute;n. En segundo lugar, el tipo de r & eacute;gimen no explica el & eacute;xito; Nicaragua igual & oacute; el desempe & ntilde;o de los pa & iacute;ses democr & aacute;ticos m & aacute;s efectivos. En tercer lugar, la voluntad presidencial da cuenta de las trayectorias divergentes de reg & iacute;menes autocr & aacute;ticos. Estos hallazgos subrayan que en tiempos de crisis una intervenci & oacute;n social efectiva es posible sin presiones democr & aacute;ticas y sin rendici & oacute;n de cuentas, y ponen de relieve la necesidad de examinar m & aacute;s a fondo las variaciones entre los pa & iacute;ses no democr & aacute;ticos.
La historia contempor & aacute;nea de la solidaridad internacionalista est & aacute; compuesta por miles de trayectorias an & oacute;nimas que estuvieron inmersas en las grandes trasformaciones globales del pasado siglo. La multiplicidad de sujetos, silencios y barreras socioculturales sostenidas a lo largo del tiempo ha dificultado el acercamiento interdisciplinar desde la historia oral al estudio de una realidad particularmente influyente en territorios como Cuba. El an & aacute;lisis hist & oacute;rico de cuarenta testimonios in & eacute;ditos relacionados con la proyecci & oacute;n externa del proceso revolucionario introduce nociones desconocidas en torno al impacto de un fen & oacute;meno que ha marcado a sucesivas generaciones de cubanos desde la d & eacute;cada de los sesenta hasta la m & aacute;s inmediata actualidad. Las diversas perspectivas recogidas sobre las ra & iacute;ces, dimensiones y legados de la solidaridad internacionalista revelan un heterog & eacute;neo mosaico de experiencias subjetivas que trascienden las narrativas institucionales producidas alrededor de un horizonte todav & iacute;a presente en los desaf & iacute;os actuales de la sociedad cubana contempor & aacute;nea. The contemporary history of internationalist solidarity is made up of thousands of anonymous trajectories embedded in the major global transformations of the past century. The multiplicity of actors, silences, and sociocultural barriers sustained over time has hindered interdisciplinary approaches from oral history to the study of a reality that has been particularly influential in territories such as Cuba. The historical analysis of forty previously unpublished testimonies related to the external projection of the revolutionary process introduces hitherto unexplored perspectives on the impact of a phenomenon that has shaped successive generations of Cubans from the 1960s to the present. The diverse viewpoints gathered on the roots, dimensions, and legacies of internationalist solidarity reveal a heterogeneous mosaic of subjective experiences that transcend institutional narratives produced around a horizon that remains central to the current challenges facing contemporary Cuban society.
Este art & iacute;culo analiza la presencia del ars & eacute;nico en la vida cotidiana y en los imaginarios cient & iacute;ficos, literarios y culturales de la Am & eacute;rica Latina finisecular. A partir de materiales provenientes de Argentina, M & eacute;xico y Venezuela, se examina la ambivalencia de una sustancia que circul & oacute; libremente como cosm & eacute;tico, medicamento, insecticida y veneno dom & eacute;stico. La ubicuidad del ars & eacute;nico -facilitada por la d & eacute;bil regulaci & oacute;n sanitaria y por su disponibilidad en comercios comunes- permiti & oacute; que se integrara simult & aacute;neamente en pr & aacute;cticas de blanqueamiento, dispositivos de ortopedia corporal y cr & iacute;menes pasionales dif & iacute;ciles de demostrar para la naciente toxicolog & iacute;a. El art & iacute;culo propone que el ars & eacute;nico oper & oacute; como un dispositivo que disciplinaba cuerpos considerados "impuros" (seg & uacute;n categor & iacute;as de g & eacute;nero, raza y clase) y, a la vez, alimentaba relatos melodram & aacute;ticos y policiales sobre el suicidio y el envenenamiento. El art & iacute;culo muestra c & oacute;mo esta flexibilidad -remedio y veneno, cura y da & ntilde;o, belleza e intoxicaci & oacute;n- otorg & oacute; al ars & eacute;nico un papel central en la construcci & oacute;n moral, est & eacute;tica y cient & iacute;fica del fin de siglo, en el que la frontera entre medicina, cosm & eacute;tica y delito se volvi & oacute; particularmente porosa. This article examines the presence of arsenic in everyday life and in the scientific, literary, and cultural imaginaries of fin-de-si & egrave;cle Latin America. Drawing on materials from Argentina, Mexico, and Venezuela, it analyzes the ambivalence of a substance that circulated freely as a cosmetic, medicine, insecticide, and domestic poison. The widespread availability of arsenic-made possible by weak sanitary regulation and its presence in ordinary shops-allowed it to play a simultaneous role in whitening practices, technologies of bodily discipline, and crimes of passion that early toxicology struggled to detect. The article argues that arsenic operated as a double-edged device: It disciplined bodies deemed "impure" (in terms of gender, race, and class) while fueling melodramatic and criminal narratives of suicide and poisoning. The article shows how this flexibility-remedy and toxin, cure and harm, beauty and contamination-positioned arsenic at the center of late nineteenth-century moral, aesthetic, and scientific discourses, where the boundaries among medicine, cosmetics, and crime became unusually porous.
En Am & eacute;rica Latina, la libertad para decidir sobre el propio cuerpo a trav & eacute;s de la anticoncepci & oacute;n y el aborto han estado en el centro de las disputas feministas por la autonom & iacute;a y la equidad de g & eacute;nero. Si bien este & eacute;nfasis en el derecho a no tener hijos ha posibilitado importantes transformaciones sociales e institucionales, su foco en la elecci & oacute;n individual y la limitaci & oacute;n de la fecundidad no ha sido suficiente para comprender la complejidad de las opresiones y violencias que caracterizan las experiencias reproductivas en la regi & oacute;n. Este art & iacute;culo adopta el lente de la justicia reproductiva como herramienta epist & eacute;mica para abordar la relaci & oacute;n entre reproducci & oacute;n y justicia social en Am & eacute;rica Latina. A partir de investigaciones en Chile, Colombia y Per & uacute;, este art & iacute;culo muestra c & oacute;mo el derecho a tener y criar hijos en condiciones dignas, seguras y sostenibles es vulnerado por configuraciones estructurales asociadas a pol & iacute;ticas eugen & eacute;sicas de planificaci & oacute;n familiar, la precarizaci & oacute;n neoliberal de la seguridad social y la degradaci & oacute;n medioambiental. Resaltando las convergencias entre el marco de justicia reproductiva y el conocimiento construido por los feminismos latinoamericanos, este art & iacute;culo contribuye a ampliar los marcos epist & eacute;micos y pol & iacute;ticos para abordar los desaf & iacute;os de la reproducci & oacute;n en Am & eacute;rica Latina. In Latin America, the freedom to make decisions about one's own body through contraception and abortion has been at the center of feminist struggles for autonomy and gender equality. Although this emphasis on the right not to have children has enabled important social and institutional transformations, its focus on individual choice and the limitation of fertility has not been sufficient to grasp the complexity of the oppressions and violences that characterize reproductive experiences in the region. This article adopts the lens of reproductive justice as an epistemic tool to address the relationship between reproduction and social justice in Latin America. Drawing on research in Chile, Colombia, and Peru, this article shows how the right to have and raise children in dignified, safe, and sustainable conditions is undermined by structural configurations associated with eugenic family-planning policies, the neoliberal precarization of social security, and environmental degradation. By highlighting the convergences between the reproductive justice framework and the knowledge produced by Latin American feminisms, this article contributes to expanding epistemic and political frameworks for addressing reproductive challenges in Latin America.
Este art & iacute;culo plantea que Grrr (1969), el primer libro de artista de Guillermo Deisler, constituye una intervenci & oacute;n po & eacute;tica sobre la relaci & oacute;n entre los medios visuales y la guerra de Vietnam en el marco de la Guerra Fr & iacute;a. Frente a lecturas que lo han situado tan solo como un antecedente de la poes & iacute;a visual chilena, argumento que el libro problematiza el papel de la televisi & oacute;n en la producci & oacute;n y el consumo de im & aacute;genes b & eacute;licas. Mediante procedimientos como el collage, el recorte, el troquelado y el montaje, Grrr hace de la materialidad del soporte un dispositivo cr & iacute;tico que fractura la ilusi & oacute;n de transparencia medi & aacute;tica. En ese proceso, Grrr vuelve legibles los marcos visuales que organizan la percepci & oacute;n p & uacute;blica e interroga las condiciones bajo las cuales la guerra deviene imagen. This article argues that Grrr (1969), Guillermo Deisler's first artist's book, constitutes a poetic intervention into the relationship between visual media and the Vietnam War within the broader context of the Cold War. Moving beyond readings that frame it primarily as an early example of Chilean visual poetry, I contend that the book critically engages the role of television in shaping the production and consumption of war images. Through procedures such as collage, cutouts, die-cutting, and montage, Grrr turns the materiality of the book into a critical device that disrupts the illusion of media transparency. In doing so, it renders visible the visual frames that structure public perception and interrogates the conditions under which war becomes image.
This study explores the impact of a development project, the Maya Train, on the lives of rural youth in Tenosique, Mexico, focusing on their cultural practices and territorial identities amid urban and rural dynamics. It highlights how traditional and modern elements blend in young people's daily lives, affecting their identities and future aspirations in the face of socioeconomic and environmental changes. The need for public policies that recognize the diversity of rural youth is emphasized, suggesting a reevaluation of social science categories to better understand the complexity of youth and rurality in development contexts. This research underscores the importance of incorporating youth perspectives into sustainable development strategies. Este estudio explora el impacto de los proyectos de desarrollo (Tren Maya) en la vida de la juventud rural de Tenosique, M & eacute;xico, centr & aacute;ndose en sus pr & aacute;cticas culturales e identidades territoriales en el contexto de las din & aacute;micas urbanas y rurales. Destaca c & oacute;mo los elementos tradicionales y modernos se integran en su vida cotidiana, afectando sus identidades y aspiraciones futuras ante los cambios socioecon & oacute;micos y ambientales. Se enfatiza la necesidad de pol & iacute;ticas p & uacute;blicas que reconozcan la diversidad de la juventud rural, sugiriendo una reevaluaci & oacute;n de las categor & iacute;as de las ciencias sociales para comprender mejor la complejidad de la juventud y la ruralidad en contextos de desarrollo. Esta investigaci & oacute;n subraya la importancia de incorporar las perspectivas de la juventud en las estrategias de desarrollo sostenible.
En este art & iacute;culo se examina la complejidad y los desaf & iacute;os de la pr & aacute;ctica del tequio y su representaci & oacute;n en la novela biling & uuml;e Laxdao yelazeralle/El coraz & oacute;n de los deseos del escritor zapoteco Javier Castellanos. Siguiendo de cerca la pr & aacute;ctica y pensamiento de la comunalidad, en el art & iacute;culo se analiza c & oacute;mo Castellanos explora temas generalmente obviados, sin embargo, fundamentales para la literatura ind & iacute;gena, como la carga afectiva, f & iacute;sica y econ & oacute;mica que requiere el servicio y trabajo colectivo en comunidades comunales frente crecientes patrones de migraci & oacute;n internacional. Como tal, el art & iacute;culo inaugura un debate conexo al ya estudiado tema de la migraci & oacute;n -el trabajo-, proponiendo que Castellanos advierte que la recuperaci & oacute;n de la lengua, filosof & iacute;a y protecci & oacute;n del territorio no se limita a procesos de autonom & iacute;a, emancipaci & oacute;n epist & eacute;mica y descoloniales. El art & iacute;culo demuestra que Castellanos propone repensar c & oacute;mo el deterioro de la & eacute;tica de reciprocidad imbuida en las pr & aacute;cticas de tequio es, en gran medida, un s & iacute;ntoma del desequilibrio causado por din & aacute;micas de trabajo asalariado que desembocan en la individualizaci & oacute;n de los comuneros y la desintegraci & oacute;n del tejido comunitario. De este modo, el autor del art & iacute;culo propone que la literatura ind & iacute;gena es tambi & eacute;n una literatura de trabajo: la recuperaci & oacute;n y reivindicaci & oacute;n de la dignidad del trabajo f & iacute;sico colectivo y no solo un proceso creativo, intelectual y epist & eacute;mico. This article examines the complexity and challenges inherent in the practice of tequio and its representation in the bilingual novel Laxdao yelazeralle/El coraz & oacute;n de los deseos by the Zapotec author Javier Castellanos. Building on the practice and philosophy of communality, the article analyzes how Castellanos explores themes that are generally overlooked yet fundamental to Indigenous literature, such as the emotional, physical, and economic burden caused by tequio in communities in the midst of increasing patterns of international migration. As such, the article initiates a debate on tequio in relation to the already-studied topic of migration, proposing that Castellanos warns that the revival of Indigenous languages, philosophies, and protection of territory is not limited to processes of autonomy, epistemic emancipation, and decolonization. The article demonstrates that Castellanos proposes rethinking how the deterioration of the ethic of reciprocity imbued in tequio practices is largely a symptom of the imbalance caused by wage labor dynamics that lead to the individualization of community members and the dissolution of the community fabric. In this way, the article proposes that Indigenous literature is also a literature of work, the recovery and vindication of the dignity of collective physical labor, and not just a creative, intellectual, and epistemic process.
This work analyzes Javier Milei's radical right populism from the perspective of his supporters. Through focus groups, we explore the extent to which there is consensus among those who voted for him in the 2023 primaries regarding his antiestablishment discourse, libertarian economic proposals, and conservative positions on moral issues. We find two points of consensus across all the groups: the charismatic appeal of Milei and a widespread rejection of the political establishment. However, there are notable disagreements on issues like the role of the state in the economy and the legalization of abortion. The majority of participants, referred to as "the rejecters," neither understand nor support Milei's views, while a minority, labeled "the fans," actively defend his ideas. In conclusion, we find that there is no unified identity among Milei's voters, apart from their common rejection of the establishment that led them to support a political outsider. Este trabajo analiza el populismo de derecha radical de Javier Milei desde la perspectiva de sus votantes. A trav & eacute;s de grupos focales, exploramos en qu & eacute; medida existe consenso entre quienes lo votaron en las elecciones primarias de 2023 respecto de su discurso antiestablishment, sus propuestas econ & oacute;micas libertarias y sus posiciones conservadoras en cuestiones morales. Identificamos dos puntos de consenso comunes a todos los grupos: el atractivo carism & aacute;tico de Milei y un rechazo generalizado al establishment pol & iacute;tico. Sin embargo, tambi & eacute;n se observan desacuerdos significativos en temas como el rol del Estado en la econom & iacute;a y la legalizaci & oacute;n del aborto. La mayor & iacute;a de los participantes, denominados "los rechazantes," no comprende ni apoya las posiciones de Milei, mientras que una minor & iacute;a, identificada como "los fans," defiende activamente sus ideas. En conclusi & oacute;n, mostramos que no existe una identidad unificada entre los votantes de Milei, m & aacute;s all & aacute; de su rechazo compartido al establishment, que los llev & oacute; a apoyar a un outsider pol & iacute;tico.
This study investigates the significant presence and function of nonhuman elements, specifically flora and fauna, in Alu & iacute;sio Azevedo's seminal Brazilian naturalist novel, O Corti & ccedil;o (1890). Drawing on the increasing academic interest in plant and animal studies in literary criticism, this analysis catalogs and categorizes the numerous references to plants and animals, as well as instances of animalization, to illuminate Azevedo's naturalistic portrayal of the urban environment of Rio de Janeiro. The research demonstrates how, in line with naturalist principles, Azevedo employs these nonhuman comparisons to characterize his human figures, often reducing them to their physical or instinctual traits under the deterministic influence of the milieu. The study investigates patterns in the use of flora and fauna where both are frequently used to evoke sensuality, purity, the physical states of characters-often reinforcing social hierarchies, reflecting racist and patriarchal views. Ultimately, this study argues that Azevedo's extensive use of flora and fauna in O Corti & ccedil;o is crucial to conveying to naturalist ideas, characterized by degeneration, decay, and the leveling of distinctions. The constant interplay of the characters and their environment, mediated through plant and animal allegories, underscores the deterministic forces at play, where individuals are subject to the relentless and often brutal influence of heredity and their surroundings. This analysis contributes to a deeper understanding of Brazilian naturalism and the sophisticated ways nonhuman elements can shape and influence narrative meaning. Este estudo investiga a presen & ccedil;a e a fun & ccedil;& atilde;o significativas de elementos n & atilde;o humanos, especificamente flora e fauna, no romance naturalista brasileiro seminal de Alu & iacute;sio Azevedo, O Corti & ccedil;o (1890). Com base no crescente interesse acad & ecirc;mico em estudos de plantas e animais dentro da cr & iacute;tica liter & aacute;ria, esta an & aacute;lise cataloga e categoriza as numerosas refer & ecirc;ncias a plantas e animais, bem como inst & acirc;ncias de animaliza & ccedil;& atilde;o, para iluminar o retrato naturalista de Azevedo do ambiente urbano do Rio de Janeiro. A pesquisa demonstra como, em conson & acirc;ncia com os princ & iacute;pios naturalistas, Azevedo emprega essas compara & ccedil;& otilde;es n & atilde;o humanas para caracterizar suas figuras humanas, muitas vezes reduzindo-as a seus tra & ccedil;os f & iacute;sicos ou instintivos sob a influ & ecirc;ncia determin & iacute;stica do meio. O estudo investiga padr & otilde;es no uso da flora e fauna, onde esses elementos s & atilde;o frequentemente usados para evocar sensualidade, pureza, estados f & iacute;sicos dos personagens, servindo para refor & ccedil;ar hierarquias sociais e refletindo vis & otilde;es racistas e patriarcais. Por fim, este estudo argumenta que o uso extensivo de flora e fauna por Azevedo em O Corti & ccedil;o & eacute; crucial para transmitir ideias naturalistas, caracterizadas por degenera & ccedil;& atilde;o, decad & ecirc;ncia e nivelamento de distin & ccedil;& otilde;es. A intera & ccedil;& atilde;o constante entre os personagens e seu ambiente, mediada por alegorias de plantas e animais, ressalta as for & ccedil;as determin & iacute;sticas em jogo, onde os indiv & iacute;duos est & atilde;o sujeitos & agrave; influ & ecirc;ncia implac & aacute;vel e frequentemente brutal da hereditariedade e de seus arredores. Esta an & aacute;lise contribui para uma compreens & atilde;o mais profunda do naturalismo brasileiro e das formas sofisticadas pelas quais elementos n & atilde;o humanos podem moldar e influenciar o significado narrativo.
This article tests claims from the comparative extractive literature by examining how state-company linkages shape civil society mobilization against extractive projects. We focus on convenios de cooperaci & oacute;n (CCs)-contracts through which extractive companies finance branches of the Colombian armed forces or judiciary to provide security for company operations. We employ a mixed-methods design. First, we analyze a panel dataset of nearly six hundred contracts signed between 2002 and 2020, assessing their relationship to threats, assassinations of social leaders, arbitrary detentions, and other security indicators across municipalities. We then pair this statistical analysis with fieldwork in two case study sites: Jeric & oacute;, Antioquia, and the Ariari region of Meta. Our analysis asks two central questions. How do CCs fit into extractive companies' broader repertoires of community control? And what do they mean for civil society mobilization-how are they lived and felt on the ground? Findings reveal sectoral variation and differences in how CCs are activated and experienced over time. By introducing the first systematic dataset on CCs, we make visible a widespread but understudied mechanism through which firms embed repressive capacity in state security apparatuses, thereby advancing debates on corporate counterinsurgency, protest criminalization, and security governance in Latin America. Este art & iacute;culo examina teor & iacute;as de la literatura comparada sobre extractivismo que analiza los v & iacute;nculos entre el Estado y las empresas extractivas, y como influyen en la movilizaci & oacute;n de la sociedad civil contra proyectos extractivos. El an & aacute;lisis se centra en los convenios de cooperaci & oacute;n (CC), contratos mediante los cuales empresas extractivas financian dependencias de las Fuerzas Armadas o del poder judicial en Colombia para la provisi & oacute;n de seguridad a sus operaciones. Se emplea un dise & ntilde;o de m & eacute;todos mixtos. En primer lugar, se analiza un conjunto de datos de panel que comprende cerca de seiscientos contratos firmados entre 2002 y 2020, evaluando su relaci & oacute;n con amenazas, asesinatos de l & iacute;deres sociales, detenciones arbitrarias y otros indicadores de seguridad a nivel municipal. En segundo lugar, este an & aacute;lisis cuantitativo se complementa con trabajo de campo en dos estudios de caso: Jeric & oacute;, Antioquia, y la regi & oacute;n del Ariari, en el departamento del Meta. El art & iacute;culo aborda dos preguntas centrales: & iquest;c & oacute;mo se insertan los CC en los repertorios m & aacute;s amplios de control comunitario de las empresas extractivas? y & iquest;qu & eacute; implican para la movilizaci & oacute;n de la sociedad civil, es decir, & iquest;c & oacute;mo se viven y experimentan en el terreno? Los hallazgos muestran variaci & oacute;n sectorial y diferencias en la forma en que los CC se activan y se experimentan a lo largo del tiempo. Al presentar el primer conjunto de datos sistem & aacute;tico sobre los CC, el art & iacute;culo visibiliza un mecanismo extendido, pero poco estudiado mediante el cual las empresas incorporan capacidades represivas en los aparatos estatales de seguridad, contribuyendo a los debates sobre contrainsurgencia corporativa, criminalizaci & oacute;n de la protesta y gobernanza de la seguridad en Am & eacute;rica Latina.
Political engagement in highland Peru has changed over the past half century along with the economic, policy, and institutional environment, as demonstrated through this case study. Allpachico, a legally recognized peasant community (comunidad campesina), participated in a national peasant association that actively defended shared livelihood interests based on small-scale farming in the 1970s. Political and economic crises in the 1980s and 1990s undermined both protests and organizations. In the current neoliberal era, the state has promoted large-scale mineral extraction and municipal government while sidelining peasant farming and the comunidad. With few local jobs and scant returns to agriculture, Allpachique & ntilde;os have migrated to Lima, but many maintain their houses in the community. Despite the increasing diversity among Allpachique & ntilde;os, they continue to unite for projects for the common good, now manifesting in lobbying the local municipal government for improvements to urban structure. A communal habitus persists even though the scope of what is possible to demand has shifted from livelihood to lifestyle concerns. La participaci & oacute;n pol & iacute;tica en la sierra peruana ha cambiado durante el & uacute;ltimo medio siglo, junto con el entorno econ & oacute;mico, pol & iacute;tico e institucional, como lo demuestra este estudio de caso. Allpachico, una comunidad campesina legalmente reconocida, particip & oacute; en una asociaci & oacute;n campesina nacional que defendi & oacute; activamente los intereses compartidos de subsistencia basados en la agricultura a peque & ntilde;a escala en la d & eacute;cada de 1970. La crisis pol & iacute;tica y econ & oacute;mica de las d & eacute;cadas de 1980 y 1990 socav & oacute; tanto las protestas como las organizaciones. En la actual era neoliberal, el Estado ha promovido la extracci & oacute;n minera a gran escala y el gobierno municipal, marginando a la agricultura campesina y a la comunidad. Con pocos empleos locales y escasos ingresos de la agricultura, los allpachique & ntilde;os han migrado a Lima, pero muchos mantienen sus viviendas en la comunidad. A pesar de la creciente diversidad entre los allpachique & ntilde;os, contin & uacute;an unidos en proyectos de bien com & uacute;n, lo que ahora se manifiesta en la presi & oacute;n al gobierno municipal local para mejoras en la estructura urbana. Persiste un habitus comunal, aunque el alcance de lo que se puede exigir ha pasado de las preocupaciones por la subsistencia a las relacionadas con el estilo de vida.
In light of contemporary geoengineering proposals to mitigate the impact of mining and climate change on glaciers in Chile, this article analyzes how imaginaries of glaciers have changed in recent decades. It focuses on recent proposals by consultancies and mining companies to relocate glaciers, including the transportation of over thirty thousand tons of ice to a valley with low exposure to the sun in 2007 to "save a glacier," carried out under the auspices of Andina, a branch of Codelco, a national mining company that has the largest impact on rock glaciers in the world. This effort resonates historically with a mitigation strategy that the mining company Barrick Gold proposed in 2001 for Pascua-Lama, which in 2006 triggered an international controversy that resulted in the world's first draft glacier bill, still under debate in the Chilean Congress, and which subsequently informed a proposal for a new constitution in Chile, rejected in 2022. This article argues that the underlying assumption behind glacier relocation initiatives is that glaciers are detachable elements from the landscape, composed of homogeneous and inert ice, the transformations of which are reversible. This assumption contrasts with conceptions of glaciers arising from earth system science and contemporary biology, which conceive of them as heterogeneous ecosystems bound to their surroundings, the eventual destruction of which is ultimately irreversible. The differences between these conceptions resonate with contrasting narratives of the place humans occupy in Earth's history, which we term anthropocentric and planetary, according to which humans are conceived of, respectively, as masters of or in precarious balance with Earth's history. A la luz de las propuestas contempor & aacute;neas de geoingenier & iacute;a para mitigar el impacto de la miner & iacute;a y el cambio clim & aacute;tico sobre glaciares en Chile, este art & iacute;culo analiza c & oacute;mo los imaginarios de los glaciares han cambiado en las & uacute;ltimas d & eacute;cadas. Se centra en propuestas recientes de consultoras y empresas mineras para reubicar glaciares, incluido el transporte de m & aacute;s de 30.000 toneladas de hielo a un valle con baja exposici & oacute;n al sol en 2007 para "salvar un glaciar," llevado a cabo bajo los auspicios de Andina, una filial de Codelco, la empresa minera nacional con mayor impacto sobre glaciares rocosos del mundo. Esta iniciativa hace eco hist & oacute;ricamente de una estrategia de mitigaci & oacute;n que la empresa minera Barrick Gold propuso en 2001 para Pascua-Lama, la que en 2006 desencaden & oacute; una controversia internacional que dio lugar al primer proyecto de ley sobre glaciares del mundo, a & uacute;n en debate en el Congreso chileno, y que posteriormente sirvi & oacute; de base para una propuesta de nueva constituci & oacute;n en Chile, rechazada en 2022. Este art & iacute;culo sostiene que la hip & oacute;tesis subyacente a estas iniciativas de reubicaci & oacute;n de glaciares es que estos son entidades desprendibles del paisaje, compuestas de hielo homog & eacute;neo e inerte, cuyas transformaciones son reversibles. Esta hip & oacute;tesis contrasta con las concepciones de los glaciares que surgen de la ciencia de los sistemas terrestre y la biolog & iacute;a contempor & aacute;nea, que los conciben como ecosistemas heterog & eacute;neos e indisociables de su entorno, cuya destrucci & oacute;n es, en & uacute;ltima instancia, irreversible. Las diferencias entre estas concepciones resuenan con narrativas contrastantes sobre el lugar que ocupan los seres humanos en la historia de la Tierra, que denominamos antropoc & eacute;ntrica y planetaria, seg & uacute;n las cuales los seres humanos son concebidos respectivamente como amos de la historia de la Tierra o en precario equilibrio con ella.
"El futuro del libro es el & aacute;lbum, as & iacute; como la ruina es el futuro del monumento", propone Barthes en La preparaci & oacute;n de la novela (Barthes 2005, 257). Seg & uacute;n & eacute;l, el & aacute;lbum en tanto forma dar & iacute;a cuenta de un universo sin jerarqu & iacute;as, disperso y fragmentario, "puro tejido de contingencias". Pero el & aacute;lbum tambi & eacute;n tiene una relaci & oacute;n, compleja, con la memoria. En parque das ru & iacute;nas de Mar & iacute;lia Garcia y El sistema del tacto de Alejandra Costamagna, el collage de restos diversos y heterog & eacute;neos-fotograf & iacute;as, cartas, noticias del peri & oacute;dico- activa una supervivencia a menudo fantasmal y parad & oacute;jica. En la grieta abierta entre esos restos se cuela una visi & oacute;n del tiempo contempor & aacute;neo sombr & iacute;a y atravesada por violencias de diverso origen. Expandiendo la noci & oacute;n trabajada por Roland Barthes de libro & aacute;lbum quisiera pensar los textos de Garcia y Costamagna, no tanto, o no solo, a partir de la noci & oacute;n de forma-& aacute;lbum apropiada para secundar el mundo, sino sobre todo como una forma que en sus relieves c & aacute;rsticos deja aparecer la imagen de un tiempo presente da & ntilde;ado, atravesado por la violencia. Se tratar & iacute;a, por lo tanto, de formas contempor & aacute;neas construidas con esquirlas m & aacute;s que memorias, apropiadas para la escritura de un tiempo sombr & iacute;o. "The future of the book is the album, just as the ruin is the future of the monument," Barthes proposes in La preparaci & oacute;n de la novela. According to Barthes (2005), the album as a form would account for a universe without hierarchies, dispersed and fragmentary, "pure fabric of contingencies." But the album also has a complex relationship with memory. In parque das ru & iacute;nas, by Mar & iacute;lia Garcia, and El sistema del tacto, by Alejandra Costamagna, the collage of diverse and heterogeneous traces-photographs, letters, newspaper reports-activates an often ghostly and paradoxical survival. In the open crack between these vestiges emerges a dark vision of contemporary time, crossed by a violence of different origins. Expanding on the notion of the book-album developed by Roland Barthes, Garcia's and Costamagna's texts are not so much or not only an album-form apt for "seconding the world," but above all, in their "karstic reliefs," they are a form that reveals the image of a damaged present time, pierced by violence. They are therefore be contemporary forms constructed with "shards rather than memories," apt for writing about a somber time.
Clara Nunes (1942-1983) was one of the most renowned and successful female samba singers in Brazilian history. This article offers new interpretations of the term transposition in the analysis of how Nunes racially transformed her image and sound to fit the discourse of Brazilian mesti & ccedil;agem, or race mixture, during the military dictatorship (1964-1985). Through the folklorization of Afro-Brazilian religions and traditions placed onto and voiced from her body, transposition offers a useful analytic to further understand her performance of mesti & ccedil;agem as racial and gendered excess, lending itself to a queer reading. The queer potential of transposition is compounded by the legacy of black drag queens performing impersonations of Nunes following her early death to enact a sense of belonging to the Brazilian nation. Clara Nunes (1942-1983) foi uma das cantoras de samba mais renomadas e bem-sucedidas da hist & oacute;ria do Brasil. Este artigo oferece novas interpreta & ccedil;& otilde;es do termo transposi & ccedil;& atilde;o em sua an & aacute;lise de como Nunes transformou racialmente sua imagem e sonoridade para se adequar ao discurso da mesti & ccedil;agem durante a ditadura militar (1964-1985). Por meio da folcloriza & ccedil;& atilde;o de religi & otilde;es e tradi & ccedil;& otilde;es afro-brasileiras incorporadas e vocalizadas em seu corpo, a transposi & ccedil;& atilde;o surge como uma ferramenta anal & iacute;tica & uacute;til para compreender sua performance da mesti & ccedil;agem como um excesso racial e de g & ecirc;nero, o qual se favorece a uma leitura queer. O potencial queer da transposi & ccedil;& atilde;o & eacute; ampliado pelo legado de drag queens negras que, ap & oacute;s a morte prematura de Nunes, passaram a realizar performances de imita & ccedil;& atilde;o da cantora, encenando um senso de pertencimento & agrave; na & ccedil;& atilde;o brasileira.
The Economic Society of Guatemala was a late colonial organization that sought to introduce "enlightened" reforms to colonial Guatemala. At first approved by the Spanish Crown, the society presented papers that were at odds with Spain's colonial system, especially one on why Indians should be allowed to wear European clothing. In response, the Crown ordered the society closed. This article explores the threat that the society posed to established interests in both Spain and the Americas, and it utilizes previously undisclosed primary documents in which the Crown charged the society with violating numerous laws as spelled out in the Recopilaci & oacute;n de las Leyes de los Reynos de las Indias, first published in 1680. While the society was closed in 1800, its work influenced future liberal regimes throughout Latin America. La Sociedad Econ & oacute;mica de Guatemala fue una organizaci & oacute;n colonial tard & iacute;a que buscaba introducir reformas "ilustradas" en la Guatemala. Al principio aprobada por la corona espa & ntilde;ola, la Sociedad present & oacute; papeles que estaban en desacuerdo con el sistema colonial espa & ntilde;ol, especialmente un papel sobre por qu & eacute; se deber & iacute;a permitir a los indios usar ropa europea. En respuesta, la corona orden & oacute; el cierre de la Sociedad. Este art & iacute;culo explora la amenaza que la Sociedad representaba para los intereses establecidos tanto en Espa & ntilde;a como en Am & eacute;rica, y utiliza documentos primarios no divulgados previamente en los que la corona acus & oacute; a la Sociedad de violar numerosas leyes como se detallan en la Recopilaci & oacute;n de las Leyes de los Reynos de las Indias, publicada por primera vez en 1680. Si bien la Sociedad se cerr & oacute; en 1800, su trabajo influy & oacute; en futuros reg & iacute;menes liberales en toda Am & eacute;rica Latina.
This article, which relies on underutilized archival collections as well as oral histories, is one of the first comprehensive examinations of the feminist struggle to decriminalize abortion during Brazil's transition to democracy during the 1980s. We discuss how the consolidation of the antiabortion Christian right and its proximity to several political parties, including ones on the left, coupled with the politically moderate tone of the transition from dictatorship to democracy, constrained the space in which Brazilian feminists could make radical demands of the state. Moreover, we contend that although the creation of the state-funded feminist organ Conselho Nacional dos Direitos da Mulher in 1985 brought important visibility to feminist issues and inserted the movement's agenda squarely within the government apparatus, it also fragmented feminists, threatened co-optation by the state, and ultimately compelled abortion rights activists to prioritize the more palatable strategy of expanding access to therapeutic abortions, which were already permitted by law. In addition to divergences in political strategy, feminists struggled to create multiracial and multiclass coalitions during this period, when many Black feminists and working-class women were organizing around other concerns. As a result, feminists were not able to fundamentally alter public opinion about the political importance of abortion, and their efforts to enshrine the termination of pregnancy as a human right in the 1988 Constitution were unsuccessful. Este artigo, que se baseia em acervos subutilizados e hist & oacute;rias orais, & eacute; um dos primeiros estudos abrangentes da luta feminista pela descriminaliza & ccedil;& atilde;o do aborto no per & iacute;odo da redemocratiza & ccedil;& atilde;o brasileira na d & eacute;cada de 80. Analisamos como a consolida & ccedil;& atilde;o da direita crist & atilde; antiaborto e sua proximidade com diversos partidos pol & iacute;ticos, inclusive alguns de esquerda, somada ao tom politicamente moderado da transi & ccedil;& atilde;o da ditadura para a democracia, limitou o espa & ccedil;o no qual as feministas brasileiras puderam formular demandas radicais ao Estado. Al & eacute;m disso, argumentamos que, embora a cria & ccedil;& atilde;o do Conselho Nacional dos Direitos da Mulher, em 1985, tenha trazido visibilidade & agrave;s pautas feministas, tamb & eacute;m fragmentou o movimento, amea & ccedil;ou a coopta & ccedil;& atilde;o estatal e, em & uacute;ltima inst & acirc;ncia, obrigou que as ativistas priorizassem uma estrat & eacute;gia mais palat & aacute;vel que foi a de expandir o acesso a abortos terap & ecirc;uticos j & aacute; permitidos por lei. Para al & eacute;m das diverg & ecirc;ncias pol & iacute;ticas, as feministas tiveram ainda dificuldade em criar coaliz & otilde;es diversas nesse per & iacute;odo, j & aacute; que muitas feministas negras e mulheres da classe trabalhadora estavam mobilizadas em torno de outras preocupa & ccedil;& otilde;es. Como resultado, as feministas n & atilde;o conseguiram alterar fundamentalmente a opini & atilde;o p & uacute;blica em rela & ccedil;& atilde;o ao aborto, e seus esfor & ccedil;os para consagrar a interrup & ccedil;& atilde;o da gravidez como direito humano na Constitui & ccedil;& atilde;o de 1988 n & atilde;o obtiveram sucesso.
