Abstract Public discourse about international cooperation contains conflicting messages about the desirability of acting through international organizations such as the United Nations (UN). Yet we lack a clear understanding of how individuals evaluate competing frames about the benefits and costs of cooperation. To address this, we field a preregistered survey experiment on public opinion in the United States (US) toward UN peacekeeping, which is one of the UN’s most consequential and contested activities. Respondents receive two competing frames: one emphasizing the benefits of a peacekeeping operation, which vary by who stands to benefit, and another emphasizing the sovereignty costs or opportunity costs of the operation to the US. We find that baseline support for peacekeeping is high when the operation is defined as successful, but that the sovereignty and opportunity cost frames diminish support. Moreover, additional benefit frames, such as those emphasizing benefits to the US, do not increase support above the baseline. We also find that sequencing matters: respondents who encounter a cost frame first have lower support than those who encounter a benefit frame first. Our results contribute to research on the politicization of multilateral cooperation, suggesting that cost-based frames pose a challenge for proponents of multilateral cooperation.
Abstract As global governance becomes increasingly fragmented, minilateral arrangements have emerged as flexible mechanisms for issue-specific coordination. Focusing on India’s minilateral diplomacy under the Modi government, this article conceptualizes “compound network power” by integrating relational and structural dimensions of network-based influence. Using this concept, it examines how India leverages participation in multiple minilateral platforms to enhance its influence within international cooperation networks. Drawing on social network analysis, the article compares changes in India’s institutional connectivity and network position between 2014 and 2025. The analysis identifies three mechanisms through which India accumulates network-based influence: proactive network expansion, modular shaping across issue areas, and dynamic recalibration of institutional engagement.
Abstract The war in Ukraine has generated significant scholarly and policy discussion about the return of conventional land war and great power conquest. But the weapons used in Ukraine depart from traditional tools of warfare, and include portable, relatively cheap, yet highlight effective arms shoulder-fired munitions and small drones. We argue that the war in Ukraine—and other conflicts across the world—point to the rise of a new, analytically distinct category of weapons. We develop the conceptualization of mid-tier arms—the defensive, maneuverable, cheaper, and easier to use arms that have been staples of the Ukrainian fight against Russia—and show that this category has implications for the arms trade, the economics of security, and warfighting. For scholars, this article contributes to research that disaggregates and thinks through the politics of conventional arms sales. For policymakers, this article suggests a need to reconfigure arms procurement and arsenal stockpiling to better match wars in the contemporary period.
Abstract Squid Game is a Netflix Korean drama series that shows viewers a deadly game that highlights the role of both human nature and structural conditions in shaping participants’ interactions. In the discipline of international relations (IR), realism is the paradigm that also emphasizes human nature and political structure. This paper analyzes whether the series helps IR students better understand realism, from classical realism to neorealism. By comparing scenes from Squid Game season 1 with realist concepts, while recognizing the inevitable oversimplification of the concepts, this study takes a mixed-methods approach to assess how exposure to the series influences students’ understanding of fourteen realism concepts, basic assumptions, and propositions of realism. The quantitative analysis involves pre- and post-survey data analyzed through paired t-tests to measure changes in understanding. Complementing the quantitative data, thematic analysis of student discussions captures the evolution of students’ perceptions before and after watching the series. This study illustrates the potential of Squid Game season 1 as an innovative teaching resource in IR education.
Despite widespread participation in the International Health Regulations (2005) and coordinated efforts by various stakeholders to increase surveillance capacities of states, why do some states continue to delay reporting novel disease outbreaks to the World Health Organization? I argue that the target of disease blame attribution by the domestic public of the reporting state matters. When a state perceives the likely target of disease blaming by the public to be externally facing towards the "other," namely foreign nationals, they will be more likely to report a disease outbreak. However, this effect is conditional on whether there is internal domestic opposition within the incumbent government. I argue that presence of domestic opposition affects the persuasiveness of the "other" blaming. I analyze data from the World Health Organization's Disease Outbreak News reports to identify how the size of a foreign population within a state increases the rate of reporting. But, when there are internal divisions within the incumbent government, the size of a foreign population within a state decreases the rate of reporting. The findings highlight that, beyond legal obligations under international treaties and improvements in surveillance capacity, domestic blame attribution dynamics significantly impact global health coordination efforts. Malgr & eacute; la large participation du R & egrave;glement sanitaire international (2005) et les efforts coordonn & eacute;s de divers acteurs pour accro & icirc;tre les capacit & eacute;s de surveillance des & Eacute;tats, pourquoi certains & Eacute;tats continuent-ils & agrave; tarder & agrave; signaler la survenance de nouvelles & eacute;pid & eacute;mies & agrave; l'Organisation mondiale de la sant & eacute; ? J'affirme que la cible de l'attribution de la faute pour la maladie par le public national de l'& Eacute;tat auteur du signalement importe. Quand un & Eacute;tat per & ccedil;oit que le public a des chances d'attribuer la faute pour la maladie vers l'ext & eacute;rieur, & agrave; un & laquo; autre & raquo;, c'est-& agrave;-dire aux ressortissants & eacute;trangers, il aura plus de chances de signaler la survenance d'une & eacute;pid & eacute;mie. N & eacute;anmoins, cet effet d & eacute;pend de l'existence d'une opposition nationale interne au sein du gouvernement en place. J'affirme que la pr & eacute;sence d'une opposition nationale a un effet sur les qualit & eacute;s de persuasion quand il s'agit de rejeter la faute sur & laquo; l'autre & raquo;. J'analyse des donn & eacute;es issues des bulletins d'information sur les flamb & eacute;es & eacute;pid & eacute;miques pour identifier dans quelle mesure la taille de la population & eacute;trang & egrave;re au sein d'un & Eacute;tat augmente le taux de signalement. Mais, lorsqu'il y a des divisions internes au sein du gouvernement en place, la taille de la population & eacute;trang & egrave;re dans un & Eacute;tat fait diminuer le taux de signalement. Les conclusions soulignent qu'au-del & agrave; des obligations l & eacute;gales au titre des trait & eacute;s internationaux et des am & eacute;liorations de la capacit & eacute; de surveillance, les dynamiques nationales d'attribution de la faute ont un effet important sur les efforts de coordination sanitaire mondiale. A pesar de que existe un amplio nivel de participaci & oacute;n en los Reglamentos Sanitarios Internacionales (2005) y de los esfuerzos coordinados por parte de diversos actores para aumentar las capacidades en materia de vigilancia de los Estados, & iquest;por qu & eacute; algunos Estados contin & uacute;an retrasando la notificaci & oacute;n de brotes de enfermedades emergentes a la Organizaci & oacute;n Mundial de la Salud? Argumentamos que el objetivo de la atribuci & oacute;n de culpa por la enfermedad por parte del p & uacute;blico nacional del Estado notificador juega un papel importante en esto. Cuando un Estado percibe que el probable objetivo de la atribuci & oacute;n de culpa por la enfermedad por parte del p & uacute;blico se dirige al exterior, hacia el & laquo;otro & raquo;, es decir, hacia ciudadanos extranjeros, ser & aacute; m & aacute;s probable que notifique sobre un brote de enfermedad. Sin embargo, este efecto depende de si existe oposici & oacute;n interna dentro del Gobierno en funciones. Argumentamos que la presencia de oposici & oacute;n interna afecta al nivel de credibilidad que tiene el hecho de culpar al & laquo;otro & raquo;. Analizamos datos procedentes de los informes de noticias sobre brotes de enfermedades de la Organizaci & oacute;n Mundial de la Salud con el fin de identificar c & oacute;mo el tama & ntilde;o de una poblaci & oacute;n extranjera dentro de un Estado aumenta la tasa de notificaci & oacute;n. Sin embargo, cuando existen divisiones internas dentro del Gobierno en funciones, el tama & ntilde;o de una poblaci & oacute;n extranjera dentro de un Estado disminuye la tasa de notificaci & oacute;n. Nuestras conclusiones destacan que, m & aacute;s all & aacute; de las obligaciones legales derivadas de los tratados internacionales y de las mejoras en la capacidad de vigilancia, las din & aacute;micas nacionales de atribuci & oacute;n de culpas tienen un efecto significativo sobre los esfuerzos de coordinaci & oacute;n en materia de salud global.
As International Relations (IR) embarks on a relational turn, we held concerns about how IR engages with relationality beyond the scholarship advanced through Global IR. We pose that changing the way in which discussions about relationality are held shapes the outcomes. This paper depicts our conversations and practices in imagining, designing, planning and delivering a relational workshop to engender discussions about relationality in the context of peace, security and justice. Focusing on the Pacific Islands region, known for its practices of "deep relation", we highlight the importance of contextually grounded relational approaches in IR. We outline three key methodological aspects for future relational research and adult education in IR: space, sharing, and flexibility. While acknowledging that no workshop or learning situation can exactly replicate this methodology, as it was designed specifically for participants with particular lived experiences and interests in a particular location, we aim to provide insights for other scholars seeking to incorporate different practices of relationality into their IR scholarship without co-option or misuse, and hope that our experience offers valuable insights for fostering IR in a different relational form. A medida que el campo de las Relaciones Internacionales (RRII) emprende un giro relacional, existe una cierta preocupaci & oacute;n con respecto a c & oacute;mo las RRII se involucran con la relacionalidad m & aacute;s all & aacute; de la investigaci & oacute;n promovida a trav & eacute;s de las RRII Globales. Postulamos que el hecho de cambiar la manera en que se llevan a cabo los debates en materia de relacionalidad moldea los resultados. Este art & iacute;culo describe nuestras conversaciones y pr & aacute;cticas en lo referente a imaginar, dise & ntilde;ar, planificar y llevar a cabo un taller relacional con el fin de generar discusiones sobre la relacionalidad en el contexto de la paz, la seguridad y la justicia. Destacamos, centr & aacute;ndonos para ello en la regi & oacute;n de las Islas del Pac & iacute;fico, conocida por sus pr & aacute;cticas en materia de & laquo;relaci & oacute;n profunda & raquo;, la importancia que tienen los enfoques relacionales contextualizados en el campo de las Relaciones Internacionales. Perfilamos tres aspectos metodol & oacute;gicos fundamentales para la futura investigaci & oacute;n relacional y para la educaci & oacute;n de adultos en el campo de las RRII: el espacio, el intercambio y la flexibilidad. Aunque somos conscientes de que ning & uacute;n taller o situaci & oacute;n de aprendizaje puede replicar exactamente esta metodolog & iacute;a, ya que fue dise & ntilde;ada espec & iacute;ficamente para participantes con experiencias vividas e intereses particulares en un lugar determinado, buscamos proporcionar perspectivas para otros acad & eacute;micos que deseen incorporar diferentes pr & aacute;cticas en materia de relacionalidad en su investigaci & oacute;n en el campo de las RRII sin que exista apropiaci & oacute;n indebida o mal uso, y esperamos que nuestra experiencia ofrezca ideas valiosas para fomentar las RRII de una forma relacional diferente. Alors que les relations internationales (RI) prennent un virage relationnel, nous nous inqui & eacute;tons du traitement de la relationnalit & eacute; par les RI au-del & agrave; de la recherche qui a progress & eacute; gr & acirc;ce aux RI mondiales. Nous postulons qu'en modifiant la fa & ccedil;on dont nous discutons de la relationnalit & eacute;, nous fa & ccedil;onnons les issues. Cet article d & eacute;crit nos conversations et pratiques quand il s'agit d'imaginer, de concevoir, de planifier et d'assurer un atelier relationnel pour donner lieu & agrave; des discussions quant & agrave; la relationnalit & eacute; dans le contexte de la paix, de la s & eacute;curit & eacute; et de la justice. Nous concentrant sur la r & eacute;gion des & icirc;les du Pacifique, connue pour ses pratiques de & laquo; relations profondes & raquo;, nous soulignons l'importance des approches relationnelles ancr & eacute;es dans le contexte en RI. Nous d & eacute;crivons trois aspects m & eacute;thodologiques essentiels pour les futurs travaux de recherche relationnelle et la formation des adultes en RI : l'espace, le partage et la flexibilit & eacute;. Bien que nous admettions qu'aucun atelier ni aucune situation de formation ne peut r & eacute;pliquer exactement cette m & eacute;thodologie, car elle est con & ccedil;ue sp & eacute;cifiquement pour des participants aux exp & eacute;riences v & eacute;cues particuli & egrave;res et aux int & eacute;r & ecirc;ts pour un emplacement particulier, nous cherchons & agrave; renseigner d'autres chercheurs souhaitant int & eacute;grer diff & eacute;rentes pratiques de la relationnalit & eacute; dans leur recherche en RI, sans r & eacute;cup & eacute;ration ou d & eacute;tournement, et esp & eacute;rons que notre exp & eacute;rience fournira des informations pr & eacute;cieuses pour promouvoir des RI sous une forme relationnelle diff & eacute;rente.
Armed conflicts are spatially dynamic, with violence shifting across borders and scales in ways that static, text-based analyses struggle to capture. This article proposes interactive digital maps (IDMs) as epistemological tools that integrate visual thinking into all stages of research on conflict dynamics. IDMs leverage human pattern recognition to reveal relationships, simultaneities, and transformations that remain obscured in linear narratives. Used iteratively, they facilitate participatory and collaborative inquiry by enabling diverse actors to co-produce and interpret spatial data. Drawing on cases from Colombia, the Horn of Africa, Lake Chad, Myanmar, and Syria/Iraq, we show how IDMs generate new insights into conflict processes while exposing the power embedded in cartographic and digital representations. We argue that IDMs, when used reflexively, can democratize and decolonize knowledge production by foregrounding positionality, multiple perspectives, and visual-spatial reasoning. In doing so, they extend the visual turn in international relations and demonstrate how interactivity reshapes epistemological hierarchies rather than merely digitizing existing analytical practices. Les conflits arm & eacute;s se caract & eacute;risent par un dynamisme spatial, et les analyses textuelles et statiques peinent & agrave; repr & eacute;senter comment la violence se meut entre les fronti & egrave;res et les & eacute;chelles. Cet article propose que les cartes num & eacute;riques interactives (CNI) constituent des outils & eacute;pist & eacute;mologiques qui int & egrave;grent la pens & eacute;e visuelle & agrave; tous les stades de la recherche sur les dynamiques de conflit. Les CNI exploitent la reconnaissance de sch & eacute;mas humains afin de mettre au jour les relations, simultan & eacute;it & eacute;s et transformations qui n'apparaissent pas dans les r & eacute;cits lin & eacute;aires. Employ & eacute;es de fa & ccedil;on it & eacute;rative, elles facilitent les enqu & ecirc;tes participatives et collaboratives en permettant & agrave; divers acteurs de co-produire et d'interpr & eacute;ter des donn & eacute;es spatiales. Nous fondant sur des cas issus de la Colombie, de la Corne de l'Afrique, du lac Tchad, de la Birmanie et de la Syrie/de l'Irak, nous montrons que les CNI nous apportent de nouveaux renseignements sur les processus conflictuels tout en exposant le pouvoir des repr & eacute;sentations cartographiques et num & eacute;riques. Nous affirmons que les CNI, lorsqu'elles sont employ & eacute;es de mani & egrave;re r & eacute;flexive, peuvent d & eacute;mocratiser et d & eacute;coloniser la production de connaissances en pla & ccedil;ant au premier plan la positionnalit & eacute;, les perspectives multiples et le raisonnement visuo-spatial. Ce faisant, elles prolongent le tournant visuel des relations internationales et d & eacute;montrent comment l'interactivit & eacute; refa & ccedil;onne les hi & eacute;rarchies & eacute;pist & eacute;mologiques au lieu de se contenter de num & eacute;riser des pratiques analytiques existantes. Los conflictos armados son din & aacute;micos a nivel espacial, dado que la violencia se desplaza a trav & eacute;s de fronteras y de escalas de maneras que los an & aacute;lisis est & aacute;ticos basados en texto tienen dificultades para captar. Este art & iacute;culo propone los mapas digitales interactivos (MDI) como herramientas epistemol & oacute;gicas que integran el pensamiento visual en todas las etapas de la investigaci & oacute;n sobre la din & aacute;mica del conflicto. Los MDI recurren al reconocimiento de patrones humanos con el fin de revelar relaciones, simultaneidades y transformaciones que permanecen ocultas en las narrativas lineales. Los MDI, si se utilizan de manera iterativa, facilitan la investigaci & oacute;n participativa y colaborativa debido a que permiten que diferentes actores coproduzcan e interpreten datos espaciales. Demostramos, bas & aacute;ndonos, para ello, en casos de Colombia, el Cuerno de & Aacute;frica, el lago Chad, Myanmar y Siria/Iraq, c & oacute;mo los MDI generan nuevas perspectivas sobre los procesos de conflicto mientras revelan el poder contenido en las representaciones cartogr & aacute;ficas y digitales. Argumentamos que los MDI, cuando se usan de manera reflexiva, pueden democratizar y descolonizar la producci & oacute;n de conocimiento dado que ponen en primer plano la posicionalidad, as & iacute; como m & uacute;ltiples perspectivas y el razonamiento visual-espacial. De este modo, los MDI ampl & iacute;an el giro visual en el campo de las Relaciones Internacionales y demuestran c & oacute;mo la interactividad reconfigura las jerarqu & iacute;as epistemol & oacute;gicas en lugar de, simplemente, digitalizar las pr & aacute;cticas anal & iacute;ticas existentes.
This paper examines the growth and implications of transnational collaboration in peace science-a field which uses formal and statistical models to study conflict dynamics. Using bibliometric data from 2005 to 2025 across three leading journals-Journal of Conflict Resolution, Journal of Peace Research, and Conflict Management and Peace Science-it documents authorship patterns across countries. The findings show that while the United States remains the dominant contributor, European countries such as Norway, Sweden, the United Kingdom, Germany, and Switzerland have become central to the international network. Importantly, multi-country co-authorship has expanded from roughly 10 percent of publications in 2005 to more than one-third in 2024, mirroring broader trends in political science. Regression analyses reveal that articles by international teams attract more citations, indicating that collaboration enhances both scholarly visibility and research impact. Topic analysis further suggests that greater inclusion of non-US authors contributes to wider thematic diversity. Yet, scholars from the global south remain underrepresented. The study concludes that sustaining opportunities for collaboration is essential to preserve the epistemic and practical benefits of transnational knowledge production in peace science, and to ensure that the field reflects the global nature of the challenges it seeks to address. Este art & iacute;culo analiza el crecimiento y las implicaciones de la colaboraci & oacute;n transnacional en el campo de la ciencia de la paz, que es un campo que utiliza modelos formales y estad & iacute;sticos con el fin de estudiar la din & aacute;mica del conflicto. Utilizamos datos bibliom & eacute;tricos, obtenidos de los a & ntilde;os 2005 a 2025 y procedentes de tres revistas l & iacute;deres: Journal of Conflict Resolution, Journal of Peace Research y Conflict Management and Peace Science. Esto nos permite documentar los patrones de autor & iacute;a entre pa & iacute;ses. Nuestras conclusiones demuestran que, si bien Estados Unidos sigue siendo el principal contribuyente, algunos pa & iacute;ses europeos, tales como Noruega, Suecia, el Reino Unido, Alemania y Suiza, se han convertido en fundamentales en la red internacional. Es importante destacar que la coautor & iacute;a entre autores de varios pa & iacute;ses ha pasado de representar, aproximadamente, el 10 por ciento de las publicaciones en 2005 a m & aacute;s de un tercio en 2024, lo que refleja tendencias m & aacute;s amplias en el campo de la ciencia pol & iacute;tica. Utilizamos an & aacute;lisis de regresi & oacute;n, los cuales demuestran que aquellos art & iacute;culos elaborados por equipos internacionales atraen un mayor n & uacute;mero de citas, lo que indica que la colaboraci & oacute;n mejora tanto la visibilidad acad & eacute;mica como el impacto de la investigaci & oacute;n. Realizamos un an & aacute;lisis tem & aacute;tico que sugiere, adem & aacute;s, que una mayor inclusi & oacute;n de autores no estadounidenses contribuye a una mayor diversidad tem & aacute;tica. Sin embargo, los acad & eacute;micos procedentes de pa & iacute;ses del sur global siguen estando poco representados. Nuestro estudio concluye que el hecho de garantizar la continuidad de las oportunidades para la colaboraci & oacute;n resulta esencial para preservar los beneficios epist & eacute;micos y pr & aacute;cticos de la producci & oacute;n transnacional de conocimiento en el campo de la ciencia de la paz y para asegurarse de que el campo refleje la naturaleza global de los desaf & iacute;os que busca abordar. Cet article examine la croissance et les implications de la collaboration transnationale en ir & eacute;nologie, une discipline qui emploie des mod & egrave;les formels et statistiques pour & eacute;tudier les dynamiques des conflits. & Agrave; l'aide de donn & eacute;es bibliom & eacute;triques de 2005 & agrave; 2025 issues de trois revues de premier plan (Journal of Conflict Resolution, Journal of Peace Research et Conflict Management and Peace Science), il documente les sch & eacute;mas de paternit & eacute; dans les diff & eacute;rents pays. Les conclusions r & eacute;v & egrave;lent que bien que les & Eacute;tats-Unis restent le principal contributeur, des pays europ & eacute;ens comme la Norv & egrave;ge, la Su & egrave;de, le Royaume-Uni, l'Allemagne et la Suisse occupent aujourd'hui une place centrale dans le r & eacute;seau international. Fait important, la copaternit & eacute; entre plusieurs pays a augment & eacute;, passant d'environ 10 pour cent des publications en 2005 & agrave; plus d'un tiers en 2024, ce qui refl & egrave;te des tendances plus larges en science politique. Des analyses de r & eacute;gression montrent que les articles d'& eacute;quipes internationales attirent davantage de citations. Aussi la collaboration renforce-t-elle tant la visibilit & eacute; des chercheurs que l'incidence d'une recherche. Une analyse th & eacute;matique sugg & egrave;re en outre que plus on inclut d'auteurs non & eacute;tats-uniens, plus la diversit & eacute; des th & egrave;mes s'enrichit. Pourtant, les chercheurs des pays du Sud restent sous-repr & eacute;sent & eacute;s. L'& eacute;tude conclut qu'il est essentiel d'entretenir les occasions de collaboration pour pr & eacute;server les avantages & eacute;pist & eacute;miques et pratiques de la production de connaissances transnationale en ir & eacute;nologie et pour garantir que la discipline refl & egrave;te la nature mondiale des d & eacute;fis auxquels elle cherche & agrave; r & eacute;pondre.
While the issue of gender representation has gained increasing recognition across various academic disciplines, existing knowledge about the current state of gender representation in peace and conflict studies remains limited. This study aims to investigate gender representation in peace and conflict studies by examining a newly collected dataset of articles published in five academic journals representative of the field between 2000 and 2024. We find that, although the gender gap has not disappeared yet, it has narrowed over time. Our results show that increased collaboration, particularly across genders, appears to be an important driver of this trend. Additionally, we find evidence that gender differences in topical specialization exist in the field and that a gender gap in citation patterns exists for some of the field's core journals. Continued efforts are needed to further improve gender representation. Si bien es cierto que el tema de la representaci & oacute;n de g & eacute;nero ha ido ganando un nivel creciente de reconocimiento en diversas disciplinas acad & eacute;micas, el conocimiento existente sobre el estado actual de la representaci & oacute;n de g & eacute;nero en los estudios sobre la paz y el conflicto sigue siendo limitado. Este estudio tiene como objetivo investigar la representaci & oacute;n de g & eacute;nero en los estudios sobre la paz y el conflicto mediante el an & aacute;lisis de un conjunto de datos recientemente recopilado de art & iacute;culos publicados en cinco revistas acad & eacute;micas representativas del campo entre 2000 y 2024. Concluimos que, aunque la brecha de g & eacute;nero a & uacute;n no ha desaparecido, esta ha disminuido con el tiempo. Nuestros resultados muestran que el aumento de las colaboraciones, particularmente entre personas de distintos g & eacute;neros, parece ser un factor importante en esta tendencia. Adem & aacute;s, encontramos evidencias que demuestran que existen diferencias de g & eacute;nero con respecto a la especializaci & oacute;n tem & aacute;tica en el campo y que tambi & eacute;n existe una brecha de g & eacute;nero en los patrones de citaci & oacute;n en algunas de las revistas m & aacute;s relevantes del campo. Por lo tanto, se necesitan esfuerzos continuos para mejorar a & uacute;n m & aacute;s la representaci & oacute;n de g & eacute;nero. Bien que la question de la repr & eacute;sentation genr & eacute;e ait gagn & eacute; en reconnaissance dans nombre de disciplines acad & eacute;miques, les connaissances existantes sur l'& eacute;tat actuel de la repr & eacute;sentation genr & eacute;e dans les & eacute;tudes sur la paix et le conflit restent limit & eacute;es. Cette & eacute;tude vise & agrave; analyser la repr & eacute;sentation genr & eacute;e dans les & eacute;tudes sur la paix et la s & eacute;curit & eacute; en examinant un nouvel ensemble de donn & eacute;es d'articles publi & eacute;s dans cinq revues acad & eacute;miques repr & eacute;sentatives du domaine, entre 2000 et 2024. Nous remarquons que bien que l'& eacute;cart genr & eacute; n'ait pas encore disparu, il s'est r & eacute;tr & eacute;ci au fil du temps. Nos r & eacute;sultats montrent qu'une collaboration renforc & eacute;e, notamment entre les genres, serait un facteur important pour expliquer cette tendance. De plus, nous trouvons des & eacute;l & eacute;ments qui confirment qu'il existe des diff & eacute;rences entre les genres dans les sp & eacute;cialisations topiques dans le domaine ainsi qu'un & eacute;cart genr & eacute; dans les sch & eacute;mas de citation pour certaines des principales revues du domaine. Il est n & eacute;cessaire de maintenir nos efforts pour am & eacute;liorer davantage la repr & eacute;sentation genr & eacute;e.
Debates on "bridging the gap" in international relations have often focused on the ways in which academics try to influence policymakers in the USA and to a lesser extent in Europe, Canada, and Australia. There has been a tendency to overlook the nature of collaborations between academics and practitioners in other global spaces. This forum brings together leading thinkers, who have engaged with and in policy spaces across several different African countries and across different issues areas, including peace and security, Sino-Africa relations, and development cooperation. The aim of the forum is to kick-start a conversation on the status of academic and policy engagement across the African continent.
This paper contributes to critical scholarship of teaching and learning (SoTL) in politics and international relations by introducing the use of consciousness-raising techniques in a UK undergraduate teaching setting. Traditionally associated with second-wave feminism, consciousness raising seeks to foreground connections between personal lived experience and socio-political context. While UK undergraduates may not suffer from sources of collective oppression to which such practices have traditionally responded, consciousness raising can viscerally expose students to the everyday effects of the international and their diverse relations within it. As such, deployed as a pedagogic tool, consciousness-raising techniques transcend epistemological approaches to knowledge transmission traditionally associated with the field, and contribute instead to a model of education conceived as a process of collective political becoming. Este art & iacute;culo contribuye a la investigaci & oacute;n cr & iacute;tica en materia de ense & ntilde;anza y aprendizaje en los campos de la Pol & iacute;tica y las Relaciones Internacionales dado que introduce el uso de t & eacute;cnicas de concienciaci & oacute;n en un entorno de ense & ntilde;anza universitaria en el Reino Unido. La concienciaci & oacute;n, la cual tradicionalmente se ha asociado con la segunda ola del feminismo, busca poner de relieve las conexiones entre la experiencia personal vivida y el contexto sociopol & iacute;tico. Si bien es cierto que los estudiantes universitarios del Reino Unido no suelen sufrir por estar bajo las fuentes de opresi & oacute;n colectiva, a las que han respondido tradicionalmente tales pr & aacute;cticas, la concienciaci & oacute;n puede exponer a los estudiantes a los efectos cotidianos de lo internacional y a sus diversas relaciones dentro de & eacute;l de una forma m & aacute;s emotiva. Por lo tanto, las t & eacute;cnicas de concienciaci & oacute;n, desplegadas como una herramienta pedag & oacute;gica, trascienden los enfoques epistemol & oacute;gicos de transmisi & oacute;n del conocimiento tradicionalmente asociados con el campo y contribuyen, por el contrario, a conformar un modelo de educaci & oacute;n concebido como un proceso de devenir pol & iacute;tico colectivo. Cet article contribue & agrave; la recherche critique sur l'enseignement et l'apprentissage en politique et relations internationales en introduisant l'utilisation de techniques de conscientisation dans l'enseignement en licence au Royaume-Uni. Associ & eacute; traditionnellement & agrave; la deuxi & egrave;me vague du f & eacute;minisme, le consciousness-raising (ou conscientisation) vise & agrave; mettre en avant les liens entre l'exp & eacute;rience v & eacute;cue personnellement et le contexte sociopolitique. Bien que les & eacute;tudiants britanniques en licence ne souffrent peut-& ecirc;tre pas des sources d'oppression collective auxquelles ces pratiques r & eacute;pondent traditionnellement, la conscientisation peut exposer visc & eacute;ralement les & eacute;tudiants aux effets quotidiens de l'international et & agrave; leurs diverses relations en son sein. Aussi, employ & eacute;es comme outils p & eacute;dagogiques, les techniques de conscientisation transcendent les approches & eacute;pist & eacute;mologiques de la transmission du savoir associ & eacute;es traditionnellement au domaine, et contribuent plut & ocirc;t & agrave; un mod & egrave;le p & eacute;dagogique entendu comme un processus de transformation politique collective.
The global and societal climates are deteriorating, with declining respect for research at the core. While this can be deterring, scholars in international studies-broadly understood-need to engage in societal impact work to help reverse troubling trends in economic development, democracy, climate, and security. Scholars are often driven by such a desire-or even a moral responsibility. To be successful, engagement requires acquiring specialized competencies-what we in this forum term impact competencies. As we point out, many scholars also pursue research-societal impact career pathways-careers that involve sustained policy engagement to promote the use of research in the production of societal goods. However, at present, there is a lack of recognition of both impact competencies and career pathways, resulting in limited opportunities for career progression. To improve recognition, the forum exemplifies the competencies involved, what forms careers can take, and the tradeoffs such career pathways can entail. Based on this, the forum seeks to guide researchers, especially early-career scholars, and engage employers of societal impact professionals to facilitate progressive career pathways. Through this, the forum seeks to enable societies to fully benefit from the contributions engaged researchers can make to address current challenges.
A backlash to the Western-led international order and the associated liberal values influences perceptions of Russia's President Vladimir Putin abroad. Individuals opposed to increasing diversity and gender equality, and who want China rather than the USA to lead the world, are more likely to favor Putin. Individuals to whom religion is important are more likely to favor Putin, who has promoted traditional religious values, than individuals to whom religion is not important. However, contrary to the expectations stemming from Putin's identification with conservative or traditional values or a backlash against liberal ones, the backlash effects are conditional and pertain primarily to the context of developed democracies-members of the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD). Outside of the OECD, economic factors influence perceptions of Putin more strongly. We analyze 2018 individual-level data from Pew Research Center's Global Attitudes survey by using multilevel estimates to examine variation across twenty-six countries. Our results contribute to our understanding of the role of ideology, norms, and values in international relations. Una reacci & oacute;n en contra del orden internacional liderado por Occidente y de los valores liberales asociados influye sobre las percepciones que se tienen del presidente de Rusia, Vladimir Putin, en el extranjero. Las personas que se oponen al crecimiento de la diversidad y la igualdad de g & eacute;nero, y que prefieren que China lidere el mundo, en lugar de EE. UU., son m & aacute;s propensas a favorecer a Putin. Las personas para las que la religi & oacute;n es importante son m & aacute;s propensas a apoyar a Putin, quien ha promovido valores religiosos tradicionales, que las personas para las que la religi & oacute;n no resulta importante. Sin embargo, y en oposici & oacute;n a las expectativas, derivadas de la identificaci & oacute;n de Putin con valores conservadores o tradicionales o de una reacci & oacute;n en contra de los valores liberales, los efectos de esta reacci & oacute;n negativa son condicionales y se sit & uacute;an, principalmente, en el contexto de las democracias desarrolladas, es decir, de los miembros de la Organizaci & oacute;n para la Cooperaci & oacute;n y el Desarrollo Econ & oacute;micos (OCDE). Fuera del marco la OCDE, los factores econ & oacute;micos son los que ejercen una mayor influencia en lo referente a las percepciones sobre Putin. Analizamos datos individuales procedentes de la encuesta de Actitudes Globales llevada a cabo en 2018 por el Centro de Investigaciones Pew utilizando, para ello, estimaciones multinivel con el fin de estudiar la variaci & oacute;n en 26 pa & iacute;ses. Nuestros resultados contribuyen a nuestra comprensi & oacute;n del papel de la ideolog & iacute;a, las normas y los valores en las relaciones internacionales. La r & eacute;action violente contre l'ordre international dirig & eacute; par l'Occident et les valeurs lib & eacute;rales qui lui sont associ & eacute;es influencent les perceptions du pr & eacute;sident russe Vladimir Poutine & agrave; l'& eacute;tranger. Les individus qui s'opposent & agrave; l'accroissement de la diversit & eacute; et l'& eacute;galit & eacute; des genres, et qui souhaitent que la Chine dirige le monde au lieu des & Eacute;tats-Unis, ont plus de chances de privil & eacute;gier Vladimir Poutine. Les individus qui accordent de l'importance & agrave; la religion ont plus de chances de favoriser Vladimir Poutine, qui promeut des valeurs religieuses traditionnelles, que les individus qui ne s'int & eacute;ressent pas & agrave; la religion. Cependant, contrairement aux attentes issues de l'identification de Vladimir Poutine aux valeurs conservatrices et traditionnelles ou & agrave; une r & eacute;action violente contre les valeurs lib & eacute;rales, les effets de r & eacute;action violente sont conditionnels et d & eacute;pendent principalement du contexte des d & eacute;mocraties d & eacute;velopp & eacute;es (membres de l'OCDE, l'Organisation de coop & eacute;ration et de d & eacute;veloppement & eacute;conomiques). En dehors de l'OCDE, les facteurs & eacute;conomiques influencent plus fortement les perceptions de Vladimir Poutine. Nous analysons 2 018 donn & eacute;es & agrave; l'& eacute;chelle individuelle du sondage Global Attitudes du Pew Research Center en utilisant des estimations & agrave; plusieurs niveaux afin d'examiner les variations dans 26 pays. Nos r & eacute;sultats viennent enrichir notre compr & eacute;hension du r & ocirc;le de l'id & eacute;ologie, des normes et des valeurs en relations internationales.
Human trafficking remains a pressing human rights issue of our time. Given the complexity of human trafficking, training, education, and awareness efforts are essential to inform the public, especially to counter sensationalized stereotypes, misconceptions, and misinformation. This paper focuses on a massive open online course (MOOC) on human trafficking awareness, developed and taught by the two co-authors in July 2024, with 560 participants. This project examines how the MOOC, centered on the principles of human rights education (HRE) and feminist pedagogy, shaped participants' perceptions and understanding of human trafficking, as well as its impact on their commitment to raising awareness and fostering change in their local communities, can deepen critical awareness of social issues and inspire advocacy. Our findings contribute to the broader research on MOOCs' effectiveness in HRE while identifying evidence-based practices for implementing MOOCs to address pressing global challenges. The research also offers empirical insights into how these approaches can engage diverse learners and inform future course designs.
This article presents two innovative exercises that can be utilized in undergraduate and postgraduate education courses to introduce war and peacebuilding, whilst also encouraging teambuilding and the inclusion of students with different language backgrounds and learning styles. The exercises engage students in building, concept analysis, and storytelling with and through LEGO (R) bricks. They draw on the literature on playful learning, which proposes that kinesthetic experiences (such as those provided through LEGO (R)) provide the freedom to experiment, reflect, and anchor thoughts, allowing for critical reflection without directly challenging individuals on sensitive topics. The article provides the full process of the two exercises, from their theoretical grounding in playful learning, to the execution of the activities, and finally to presentation of the benefits and shortcomings of using LEGO (R) in the classroom, as captured through our observations and a student survey. On these bases, we suggest that LEGO (R)-based activities could be a valuable addition to the existing portfolio of playful learning techniques. Este art & iacute;culo presenta dos ejercicios innovadores que pueden ser utilizados en cursos de educaci & oacute;n de grado y posgrado a modo de introducci & oacute;n de los temas de la guerra y la construcci & oacute;n de la paz y, al mismo tiempo, para fomentar el trabajo en equipo y la inclusi & oacute;n de estudiantes con diferentes antecedentes ling & uuml;& iacute;sticos y estilos de aprendizaje. Los ejercicios involucran a los estudiantes en la construcci & oacute;n, el an & aacute;lisis de conceptos y la narraci & oacute;n de historias con bloques de LEGO (R) y a trav & eacute;s de estos. Los ejercicios se basan en la literatura sobre el aprendizaje l & uacute;dico, que propone que las experiencias kinest & eacute;sicas (como las que se proporcionan a trav & eacute;s de LEGO (R)) brindan la libertad de experimentar, reflexionar y anclar pensamientos, permitiendo, de esta manera, llevar a cabo una reflexi & oacute;n cr & iacute;tica sin desafiar directamente a las personas sobre temas sensibles. El art & iacute;culo proporciona el proceso completo de los dos ejercicios, desde su base te & oacute;rica en el aprendizaje l & uacute;dico hasta la ejecuci & oacute;n de las actividades, e, incluso, hasta la presentaci & oacute;n de los beneficios y desventajas de utilizar LEGO (R) en el aula, tal como se reflej & oacute; a trav & eacute;s de nuestras observaciones y de una encuesta realizada a los estudiantes. Partiendo de estas bases, sugerimos que las actividades basadas en LEGO (R) podr & iacute;an ser una adici & oacute;n valiosa al portafolio de t & eacute;cnicas de aprendizaje l & uacute;dico existente. Cet article pr & eacute;sente deux exercices innovants qui peuvent & ecirc;tre utilis & eacute;s en cours de licence ou de master pour introduire les concepts de guerre et de consolidation de la paix, tout en favorisant le renforcement de la coh & eacute;sion et l'inclusion des & eacute;tudiants de langue maternelle diff & eacute;rente et aux divers modes d'apprentissage. Les exercices permettent aux & eacute;tudiants de travailler la construction, l'analyse conceptuelle et la narration gr & acirc;ce & agrave; des briques LEGO (R). Ils se fondent sur la litt & eacute;rature relative & agrave; l'apprentissage ludique, qui sugg & egrave;re que les exp & eacute;riences kinesth & eacute;siques (comme celles que l'on a avec les LEGO (R)) nous offrent la libert & eacute; d'essayer, de r & eacute;fl & eacute;chir et d'ancrer sa pens & eacute;e. Nous pouvons ainsi former une r & eacute;flexion critique sans remettre directement en cause des personnes sur des sujets sensibles. L'article fournit le processus complet pour les deux exercices, de leur ancrage th & eacute;orique dans l'apprentissage ludique & agrave; l'ex & eacute;cution des activit & eacute;s. Y figure enfin une pr & eacute;sentation des avantages et inconv & eacute;nients de l'utilisation de LEGO (R) en salle de cours, d'apr & egrave;s nos observations et un sondage des & eacute;tudiants. Ainsi proposons-nous que l'ajout d'activit & eacute;s qui s'appuient sur des LEGO (R) puisse & ecirc;tre tout & agrave; fait b & eacute;n & eacute;fique pour la palette actuelle de techniques d'apprentissage ludique.
This article examines US engagement with El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras, and Nicaragua during the twenty-first century through the lens of Womack’s asymmetry theory, arguing that the US’s interactions with these weaker neighbors reveal the limitations of its power. By integrating the role of internal actors within weaker states, this study extends Womack’s theory, offering new insights into how asymmetrical power dynamics constrain both dominant and subordinate states. The article demonstrates how these dynamics result in inconsistent US policies characterized by cycles of neglect and crisis-driven interventions. This inconsistency, combined with stereotyped perceptions of regional actors, has ultimately empowered Central American elites while marginalizing other potential agents of change, raising important considerations for future US foreign policy and its practical implications in the region.
With advances in technology, opportunities to connect with and learn from people all over the world are more prevalent than ever, but so are many associated challenges. Much has been said about combating “fake news” through media literacy efforts in the classroom, but less has been discussed about how to prompt students to think more about the way that even accurate information is shaped by the mode of delivery. For example, short-form videos have become increasingly popular across social media platforms. These videos often discuss political issues and news while utilizing popular trends and adhering to platform formatting and length requirements that constrain the way information is communicated. This article presents a short-form video assignment designed to engage students in four core media literacy learning processes. The assignment can be adapted to any university social science classroom, and the results of a systematic deductive thematic analysis provide evidence that the assignment contributes to media literacy objectives, increasing student awareness of the role of media in shaping the way we understand the world around us.
The United Nations Security Council (UNSC) is the principal international body for addressing threats to international peace and security, empowered by Article 39 of the UN Charter to determine and respond to such threats. Existing research on the argumentation in the UNSC has often focused either on single topics or on the occurrence of topics in resolutions and statements in isolation. However, this approach tends to overlook the nuances of the content and the basis of arguments. This article introduces a new dataset capturing the argumentation of UNSC members on threats and norm violations made in explanations of votes and in UNSC resolutions. The dataset spans the period of 1989–2019, offering insights into the evolving scope of what constitutes threats to international peace and security. Our analysis reveals significant temporal variation in the frequency and nature of threats and norm violations discussed, highlighting increased contestation among Council members since 2015. An application of the dataset demonstrates that wealthier, democratic states prioritize human rights and violence against women, while permanent members, especially the United States and Russia, emphasize terrorism. This dataset can contribute to understanding the dynamics of UNSC deliberations and allows researchers to explore crucial topics such as the level and nature of contestation and the decision-making capacity of international organizations.
This forum critically reflects on the democracy support agenda and its future in light of the wars in Gaza and Ukraine, the decline of Western political and normative dominance, and overall global democratic backsliding. Posing four topical questions to five leading scholars in the field—from Eastern Europe, Latin America, the Middle East, North Africa, and Southeast Asia—it finds that these wars appear systemic in the sense that they sharpen already existing crises in world order. They have evidenced a structural weakness in the international liberal order (ILO): the West's selective adherence to and application of key principles of this order, effectively undermining Western credibility, influence, and its capacity to maintain the ILO and to promote democracy globally. They have also intensified practices of competitive norms promotion at the global level, with Russian norms promotion in particular scoring some successes in South America, North Africa, and Southeast Asia. This is taking place to the backdrop of multipolarity, which has led to greater strategic autonomy for states outside of the West, including in their responses to democracy promotion attempts. Taken together, these phenomena have allowed autocratic tendencies to gain strength globally, from the Mediterranean to Southeast Asia to Europe and the Americas. At the same time, democracy is also becoming more locally and regionally driven and diverse and might thus possibly become more resilient. In this new world in the making, Western democracy supporters will need to become mindful of the historical legacies of colonialism, their own internal problems with democracy, and stark normative inconsistencies of their policies—if the agenda should be kept. They will need to respect the unique historical and cultural contexts that have shaped democracies around the world and become more humble, inclusive, and dialogic with non-Western democratic middle powers such as South Africa and Brazil.
Once deemed a “nearly impossible” area of study, high-level leader visits—one of the most visible and consequential practices in global politics—have recently attracted renewed scholarly attention. This resurgence stems from the growing recognition of leader visits as a valuable lens for addressing foundational questions in international relations, including why states act as they do, the consequences of their actions, and how their behavior shapes their global standing. By mapping the current research landscape on leader visits, we highlight its potential for advancing theoretical frameworks and methodological approaches. To further develop this field, we advocate for innovative research methodologies, new avenues of inquiry, and enhanced data collection efforts, paving the way for deeper and more systematic analyses of leader visits in global politics.
