The article examines how the clinical gaze of Spanish psychiatrists was shaped in relation to social problems and revolutionary movements in Spain between 1880 and 1923. To this end, it considers how professional concerns and strategies influenced their discourses and perspectives on social protest. In the first part, it explains why, until the 1910s, they analysed social problems and revolutions exclusively from an individual clinical perspective, setting aside collective psychopathological interpretations. It shows how the weakness of nineteenth-century psychiatry and the State's lack of interest in its proposals led psychiatrists to focus their efforts at professional legitimisation on psychiatric expert reports, concentrating their attention on clinical issues and individual behaviour, particularly in the case of anarchists and regicides. In the second part, it examines how, from 1910 onwards, as a result of the country's situation and the growing role of medicine in its regeneration, psychiatrists progressively incorporated a collective psychopathological view of revolutionary movements and their leaders, pathologising social and political protest. The sources used include publications in specialised journals, articles in the general press, lectures, psychiatric expert reports, and treatises on psychiatry and criminology.
This article offers a new analysis of the special relationship between Israel and the last military regime in Argentina. Until now the historiographical debate on the issue was centered on the contradictions that arose between the interests of the Israeli state in this relationship, those of the Jewish community, and the ethnic commitment to rescue persecuted Jews. Israel sold arms and shut down criticism toward the regime, while quietly asked the Argentinian commanders to suppress antisemitic expressions, tried to obtain the early release of prisoners and gave refuge to persecuted leftist Jews. The analysis of documents from the Israel State Archive reveals that Israeli collaboration with the Argentinian regime included not only arms selling but also political legitimation and public relations. Archival analysis also strengthens the suspicions of intelligence collaboration. The findings should also be analyzed in a wide Cold War context. Israeli collaboration with Argentine was based on a shared counterinsurgency vision, of existential and unlimited antiterrorist struggle, and had the precedents of collaboration with the Uruguayan and Chilean dictatorships. The stability of those alliances required to moderate, hide, and silence antisemitic elements inside the dictatorial forces. At the same time, Israel had to find non confrontative ways to fulfill, even partially, with its ethnic solidarity commitments. The support given to the Argentine dictatorship was an important step in consolidating Israel as an ally and a referent for right-wing dictatorships and paramilitary forces in Latin America.
This article discusses how the configuration of the political system at the beginning of democracy was deeply related to the intensification of territorial political dynamics and demands for self-government. In order to highlight the importance of this factor, too often underestimated in analyses of the political configuration, we analyse the part less apparently affected by territoriality, as is the case of the Spanish political right. Using new sources generated by UCD government ministries and state apparatuses and combining them with more traditional press sources, the aim is to shed new light on how the government dealt with the creation of the State of Autonomies and to what extent it determined the development and implosion of the governing party. Methodologically, in this sense, the work departs from analyses centred only on the internal political dynamics of the UCD elites, to carry out a multi-level analysis that places territoriality at the analytical core, also taking into account, dialectically with the development of the centrist party, the actions of the other political forces in the same field. The paper concludes that the strength of regionalism and plurinationality was key in the development and configuration of the Spanish political system.
This article contributes to the efforts to problematize the democratization of municipal government as a discrete phenomenon, rather than as a subset of the state-level process of transition. Not everyone agreed on the parameters of local democracy, and this article highlights the contested visions that were articulated by the major actors, including the citizen movement activists, the political parties and the federation of municipalities. It argues that there were features specific to the discourse on municipal democratization and that these constituted part of a fundamental ongoing debate in Spanish constitutional culture since the early 19th century. In broad terms, the field was divided between those who viewed municipal democratization as a secondary and subsidiary process that would be implemented from above and those who framed it as a distinct and constituent feature of a substantive democratization. Even though all parties formally rejected the old centralist model, in practice, the centralizing and municipalist traditions still shaped the terms of the debate.
Plataforma per Catalonia (PxC) was an Islamophobic, far-right, and autonomist party founded in 2003, headquartered in Vic (Barcelona) and led by Josep Anglada. The party achieved significant municipal presence between the 2003 and 2011 local elections and attempted to expand at the state level. However, its growth was halted by an internal crisis in 2014 that led to Anglada's expulsion and coincided with the rise of the Catalan independence process. In the 2015 local elections, PxC collapsed and eventually dissolved in 2019. This study draws on party documentation, existing research on PxC, and press sources. It argues that PxC stood at the crossroads of local, Catalan, and state politics, and that its trajectory has influenced both Vox and Alian & ccedil;a Catalana.
