Tang expansion in the early seventh century brought about a series of changes to the eastern Tianshan region, including the incorporation of the region into the imperial postal relay and defence system. Important structures, including cities for the soldiers and other immigrants from Tang territory, along with fortresses and relay posts, were established along the major routes in the region, especially on the northern slopes of the Tianshan range. However, the era after the decline of the Tang is not as well known, due to a lack of contemporary sources. This article, based on a comprehensive analysis of documentary and unearthed materials, discusses a previously unacknowledged process of urbanisation in the region during the Uighur era. Uighur immigrants, originally nomads on the Mongolian steppe, occupied not only the cities, but also the garrisons and other infrastructure established by the Tang. As a result, urban settlements were established at sites that had previously served military purposes. Clusters of new cities emerged in the region, especially on the northern slopes of the Tianshan, which had long been part of the nomadic cultural zone. The sedentary and mercantile culture of the Uighurs played an important role in this process, serving as an impetus for economic prosperity along the eastern section of the Silk Road between the Tang and Mongol-Yuan eras.
Like pilgrims, Uyghur Buddhist practitioners also left inscriptions at various Buddhist sites during the 10th to the 14th centuries; for the most part, these have been ignored or mistaken for pilgrim inscriptions. Since the practices and general life of Uyghur monks are still not clear, due to a lack of written records, the practitioner inscriptions, though fragmentary and rare, contain highly valuable data. These inscriptions provide evidence of the practice of Chan Buddhism (Chin. chanzong 禪宗) and the annual monastic retreat of the Uyghur Buddhists. In addition to a summer retreat, some Uyghur monks also participated in a winter retreat, just like the monks in Dunhuang (敦煌). However, many Uyghur monks did not last for the full three months required by Buddhist teaching.
新疆鄯善县吐峪沟中部高台窟院遗址新出五件回鹘文文字资料提供了西州回鹘时期当地佛寺礼忏活动的具体信息.第54窟出写本残片可被比定为回鹘密教文献《上师赞》,文本体现了与已发现两种写本不同的特征,应为吐峪沟回鹘佛僧修习密教时诵习之稿本.第57窟出写本可比定为回鹘佛僧为礼拜北斗七星举行燃灯仪式之日历,反映了源出道教的北斗七星崇拜在融入汉传佛教后又被西州回鹘佛教徒继承,并在当时的吐鲁番地区流行.第57窟和51窟出土的三件墨书回鹘文"题牌(签)"则是迄今少见的西州回鹘时期礼佛、修习用物,提供了回鹘供养人和佛僧在寺院进行礼拜修习仪式的文字、文物资料.
Two Old Uighur manuscripts housed in the National Museum of China have remained unidentified and unedited since their discovery by Huang Wenbi in 1928–30. A philological study based on examination of the originals is given in this paper. The first manuscript, a fragmentary codex with seven folios, can be identified as an Old Uighur transcription of the dhāraṇī text belonging to the Sanskrit Mahāpratisarā Mahāvidyārājñī. It may have served as a handbook for Uighur Buddhist monks or practitioners to recite the dhāraṇī in public ritual or private practice. The reconstructed Vorlage demonstrates a close relationship with the Tibetan and Tangut versions. A group of blockprint fragments in the Pelliot Collection from Dunhuang can also be identified as coming from the same text. The second manuscript, with 30 lines of text, belongs to a thus far unknown Old Uighur Buddhist treatise related to the qualities conducive to the attainment of ‘entrance into the stream’ (srotaāpattyaṅga) in Buddhist spiritual practice. It is likely a commentary composed by Uighur Buddhists.
The excavation in Tuyuq Grottoes initiated in 2010 has brought about numerous archaeological finds. In particular, those discovered in Cave 26 on the high platform in the middle of the Western Section are noteworthy. Many wall inscriptions in Old Uighur, as well as Brahmi and Chinese are preserved in the side rooms, releasing important information on the dating and the nature of this cave. They also contribute new data to the fields of history and linguistics. This paper presents an edition and study of all the 29 inscriptions preserved in Room B, most of which are written in Old Uighur, while others in Chinese.
近年刊布的《蒙古山水地图》提供了明代自嘉峪关向西直到小亚细亚的道路地理信息.该图显示,吐鲁番盆地中出现了几座新的城市,不见于汉文文献记载.洗儿乞即今赛尔克甫,脱谷思地在今七克台镇境内,羊黑即今洋海.这些城市均兴起在连接哈密与吐鲁番两地的干道上,即唐代之伊西路.在回鹘时代,经伊西路展开的东西交通更加频繁,使沿线绿洲得到进一步开发,因此形成新的城市聚落.
With the decline of Tang Empire in the 8th century, the unitary postal system connecting China proper with the Hexi corridor and eastern Central Asia ceased to function. Buddhist and Christian communities took up the role with their networks that transcended the boundaries of states. Buddhist and Christian monks were entrusted with diplomatic and commercial duties as official envoys and sent to distant states via their own religious networks. Monasteries along the main routes filled the gaps left by the former relay posts, especially in relatively isolated areas where no civilian conurbations existed. Akin to the prevalent Buddhism, the Christian network also extended to most regions in east Central Asia and Gansu by the 9–10 cc. This was centrally organised under the leadership of the metropolitan in Merv, resulting in highly efficient communications within these regions, as well as with western Central Asia and northern Asia.
In mid 9th century, the Uighurs moved westward to areas surrounding the Tian Shan Mountains. There they established the West Uighur kingdom that centered at Xizhou (Qoco) and Beiting (Besbaliq). Given the scarcity of relevant documents, the history of the West Uighur kingdom to date has largely remained a mystery. Records of its rulers can only be found in scattered ramnants. On the basis of previous research, my article aims to comprehensively survey the titles of West Uighur rulers in various historical and archaeological sources, specifically those having been unearthed since the previous century in Old Turkic and Middle Iranian languages in Turfan and other regions. Their titles are examined and verified, one by one, in light of relevant characteristics and years of reign. Using the above results, the article then attempts to re-construct a chronology of the West Uighur rulers along with an analysis of the structural features of the official titles and their subsequent changes. These titles inherited traditions of the Uighur Steppe Empire, and they included new elements and structural features as well. With Manichaean being subsequently replaced by Buddhism as the kingdom's primary religion, the significance of the titles had already undergone changes despite the existence of certain remaining Manichaean elements.
普遍认为,元代的回鹘人(畏兀儿)与其他色目人一样,属于“无姓之人”,只有名而无姓.据汉文文献可复原哈飒不华、廉氏和贯云石三个生活在中原地区的回鹘家族的谱系及其成员的本族人名.其男性家族成员人名的最后位置都有相同的词汇标示其家族出身.这种家族标识成分跨越代际传承,一定程度上起到了姓氏的作用.廉氏、贯云石家族的案例显示,即使在回鹘家族取汉姓、汉名之后,这种命名传统也得到保留.早在蒙古汗国崛起以前,该现象已出现在西州回鹘王国.回鹘文出土文书中可见相关证据.其产生的契机可能是12世纪西辽对中亚东西部的统一.西州回鹘被纳入多族群、多语境的帝国体系中,受到突厥穆斯林的文化影响,部分回鹘人开始在人名最后添加家族标识成分.
Multilingual education for students belonging to China’s 55 ethnic minority groups presents challenges of learning their home language, the national language (Mandarin) and a foreign language (usually English). The difficulties faced by such students in coping with multilingualism are exacerbated by the demands that are placed on the education system for coherent policy implementation; adequate financial, infrastructural and human resources; and ensuring community understanding and support. The language-in-education practices that have been observed across the nation have been found to vary according to local conditions. This chapter focuses on practices in schools in Qinghai Province, in Western China, where a number of ethnic minority languages are spoken. In particular, it investigates how the choice of medium of instruction in individual schools is a product of contextual factors including the role and status of the different languages, beliefs about language learning, and the systemic support available. Two main models are identified: one is to use the dominant local ethnic language as the medium of instruction, with Mandarin and English as curricular subjects; the other model involves the use of Mandarin as the medium of instruction, with the ethnic language and English being taught as subjects. The chapter evaluates the achievements and shortcomings of each model and argues that effective implementation of multilingual education in Qinghai Province is hampered by weak infrastructure and policy frameworks.
回鹘佛教最初深受吐火罗佛教的影响.回鹘语《阿离念弥本生经》敦煌本属于现存最早的一批回鹘佛教文献写本,应是译自一种吐火罗语版本.回鹘语吐鲁番本较敦煌本晚出,在细节上显示出一些不同之处.将敦煌本的内容与现存龟兹语本、焉耆语本的平行文本进行比较可知,回鹘语本很可能以龟兹语本为母本,参考焉耆语本译成.比较敦煌本与吐鲁番本的一些细节可知,后者在翻译上更加贴近原文.10世纪末至11世纪,佛教取代摩尼教成为西州回鹘的国教,回鹘佛教徒抄经、译经活动进入高潮,一些先前译成的佛教文献在这一时期出现了改良的译本;同时,汉文佛经逐渐取代吐火罗语佛经,成为回鹘佛教徒译经的主要来源.吐鲁番本很可能产生于这一时期,它既是回鹘佛教进入盛期的产物,也是吐火罗佛教在回鹘佛教中最后的遗存.
北庭是西州回鹘的都城之一,但有关回鹘时代北庭城的历史记载却鲜见于传世史料.德藏Mainz 354号吐鲁番文书透露了北庭城曾被毁弃和重建的宝贵历史信息.笔者结合传世史料和出土文书,考证出西州回鹘的北庭城曾经在866~869年间的战事中被毁,而Mainz 354号文书所记北庭城的重建之事可能发生在公元900年前后.此后直到蒙元时代初期,北庭城一直作为西州回鹘的都城发挥着重要的作用.