АннотацияЦель.Изучение феномена современной гуманитарной дипломатии через призму его структуры

The article touches upon the problem of the state of the domestic graduate school as a stage of education, which is highly susceptible to various managerial changes and other factors. The relevance of the study is due, firstly, to the task of effective reproduction of scientific personnel, which the state is facing, and secondly, the active transformational processes that have been taking place within the Institute of Postgraduate Studies in recent years. The purpose of the study is to identify the key challenges and problems that graduate school faces today. The COVID-19 pandemic has had a significant impact on higher education in general and the delivery of graduate programs in particular. However, this challenge for the system of training highly qualified personnel is only a temporary negative factor, in contrast to the systemic problems and difficulties that have accompanied the development of postgraduate studies for a long time since the collapse of the USSR. It is concluded that digitalization, on the one hand, has become a challenge for the education system as a whole, on the other hand, this process has contributed to the adaptation of educational and scientific organizations to the difficult epidemiological conditions in the country. The analysis of the essence and consequences of the current stage of domestic postgraduate education reform, associated with the changes in the legal framework that took place in 2020-2022, as well as the preparation of recommendations to mitigate the difficulties of the transition period of modernization of the third stage of higher education can be a promising direction for further study of this problematic.

Digitalization is thought to be a key driver of recent economic, cultural, political, and society transformations, with these changes entailing both positive and negative consequences. The negative ones include various risks and threats for information security of both society and state. As a result, there has been growing impetus to rethink the concept of security in the digital age. In this paper the discourse of security is discussed in terms of dichotomy between soft and hard power in a digitalized society. This discussion involves the following issues to be considered: 1) how this soft/hard range of power can be applied to the security problem; 2) how different information threats could be countered within the discourse of the state security; 3) how the soft security could be implemented in a digitalized society. Structured analysis, discourse analysis and conceptual approach are mainly involved to provide research methodology for the discussion. It should be noted that our research is conducted within theoretical framework established by B. Buzan, J. Nye, with the acknowledgment of the results obtained from the previous studies of the authors of this paper. The concept of security was productively discussed in terms of soft and hard power vocabulary. As a result of this discussion, soft security was interpreted as the measure of protecting something from harm in invisible, unobtrusive ways, whether hard security was designed to oppose challenges and threats and it is traditionally associated with methods of force. It was particularly established that hard security measures are likely to be applied in the military sector, while soft security measures are commonly used in a non-military context. Due to the concept of soft security has not yet been clearly defined and has not received recognition as a scientific term, it is argued that further investigation is demanded. Within this investigation, information security is interpreted as a special category of soft security. The relevant distinction between information security and cybersecurity is made, with the different frequency of using these terms in official discourses of different states being explained. It is also considered that the problems of soft security insurance cannot be solved at the level of individual states due to the transnational nature of digital technology, so it requires international responses. Therefore, establishing the normative force (i.e. elaboration of international rules and institutions) can be an effective measure, while an international exchange of experience in countering information threats seems to be very useful. Educational programs aimed both at creating qualified personnel in the field of digital technologies, as well as at the general public (improving information literacy), also contribute to ensuring the safety of society and the state. Keywords: information security, digital society, soft security, international relationships, cybersecurity

The article analyzes the commemorative practices of the Great Patriotic War in the post-Soviet space on the example of the Republic of Belarus and the Republic of Kazakhstan. The aim of the work is to identify the design features of national strategies for the politics of memory of the war in these countries. To solve this goal, methods of comparative and system analysis are used. An author's definition of commemorative practice as an activity carried out through public memories (as well as their selection or oblivion) of significant events, dates, images or actors of the past is developed, taking into account the current socio-political context and the current needs of the public and government structures. It is concluded that one of the features of the formation of the policy of national memory in the post-Soviet space is the representation of the image of war in accordance with national priorities. The Great Patriotic War is part of the Soviet past, the collective and historical memory of the peoples of the CIS countries, however commemorative practices are formed by personalizing historical memory as a strategic narrative. The central narrative demonstrating the role of Belarus in the war is the "partisan republic", while in Kazakhstan this function is performed by the idea of the republic as a "arsenal of the front". A common constant for these republics in the formation of the policy of national memory of the war, both in the Soviet and post-Soviet periods, is the appeal to the heroic victories of Soviet soldiers, partisans, courage and perseverance of rear workers. The revitalization of commemorative practices about the Great Patriotic War through the optics of cultural trauma has a fragmented character, is recorded and investigated as an integral element of the history of countries, as well as in conjunction with other tragic events. At the present stage of development of post-Soviet states, one of the important trends is the digital transformation of social processes, which is why countries seek to preserve and broadcast commemorative practices about the war with the help of digital technologies.

The article describes the main transformations that memory politics has undergone in Europe and Russia, from the moment of the collapse of the bipolar world to the present day. There are three main stages of this transformation. The first stage occurs during the period of perestroika and the collapse of the USSR, when under the influence of liberal propaganda, a radical revision of the political discourse occurs, associated with the establishment of an equal sign between socialism and totalitarianism. The second stage (1991-2008) was the time when new ideological institutions were created in the postCommunist space, forming a policy of memory alternative to the Soviet period. At this stage, the European Parliament is creating its own European model of memory policy, which is based on the thesis of the identity of the Nazi and Stalinist regimes. In the same years, the concept of "double sacrifice" was formed, since the peoples of Central and Eastern Europe are considered victims of two occupations - Hitler's and Soviet. The third stage (2008-2020) was marked by a revision of the ideas of European political leaders about the causes and results of the Second World War. In Europe, the concept of equal responsibility of Hitler's Germany and the USSR for unleashing this war is emerging. These processes were the focus of attention of participants of the all-Russian scientific conference "Politics of national memory: theory, practice, discourse", dedicated to the 75th anniversary of the great Victory, which was held in Yekaterinburg on November 7, 2020. The authors of the article briefly reveal the content of the reports made at the conference, highlight the discussion issues and suggestions for further improvement of the mechanisms for managing the culture of historical memory.

This text is a review of the book of Elena Dyakova and Anna Trachtenberg "Agenda and the Information Society". The book was published by the Publishing House "Armchair Scientist" in 2019. The article highlights key issues that arise as new technologies are introduced into various areas of society. It is argued that scientists should study the changes taking place in the era of the digital revolution. This book allows you to look at the changes, taking the position of those who 1) are engaged in the development and implementation of information technology; 2) are forced to adapt to technologies and use them in their work; 3) are users of information services. The most significant conclusions made by the authors of the book are revealed. 1) There is a discrepancy between ideological constructs and practical methods of using information systems. 2) There is a belief that new technologies in themselves are a factor in the radical transformation of a particular public sector. 3) The introduction of expensive technologies with undetermined total efficiency is usually explained with the need to respond to the challenges of the digital revolution. It is indicated that the sociological essays that make up the book are quality works that have a good theoretical and empirical basis. It is concluded that this book may be useful to a wide range of people interested in the theory of mass communication and the problems of the information society, government officials at various levels, as well as specialists involved in the development of information technologies.

Introduction. The article raises the problem of eugenics as a direction of scientific thought and practice of improving the human species. The modern advances in reproductive medicine, the development of biology, the emergence of methods for editing the human genome have updated the debate around eugenics. The aim of the work is a comprehensive study of the discourse and practice of eugenics in the period of the 19th — 21st centuries. This aim involves solving a number of tasks: 1) analysis of the historical context and prerequisites for the eugenics emergence; 2) the study of the institutionalization and practical implementation of its ideas in Western countries in the period until the end of World War II; 3) research on the position of eugenics after the war and the transition of discussions to the mainstream of genetics, bioethics, transhumanism; 4) study of the modern discourse of eugenics, ethical issues and the degree of government intervention in population reproduction. Methods. The author uses the historical-retrospective method, which makes it possible to comprehensively consider the context of the emergence and development of eugenics, the comparative method (when comparing the characteristic features of the «old» (authoritarian, forced) and «new» (democratic, based on personal choice) eugenics), the institutional approach ( when identifying the main institutions involved in the development, dissemination, implementation of the ideas of eugenics) and a discursive approach (to study modern discussions about the «new» eugenics and related ethical problems). Scientific novelty of the research. A comprehensive study of eugenics has been carried out, a connection has been established between the «old» and «new» eugenics, and their similarities and differences have been investigated. Results. The need to distinguish eugenics as a theory of human selection and as a practice has been proven, and the latter, depending on the political, cultural and socio-economic situation in the country, can take a variety of forms: from counseling and preventive measures to racial cleansing. It was found that population growth, urbanization, mass migration, instability in society, combined with the ideas of modernism about social order by the forces of science and technology, contributed to the spread of eugenics ideas in the late 19th - early 20th centuries. After the Nuremberg trials, the concept under study temporarily dropped out of scientific discourse. The article examines in detail the socio-economic and other preconditions that contributed to the revival of interest in eugenics in the 60s of XX century and at the present stage. It is shown that today part of the discussion has shifted to the mainstream of genetics, bioethics and transhumanism. Conclusions. It has been established that discussions about eugenics run up against the problem of breeding control, which means that they raise the question of who should perform selection, how, what are its criteria. The ethical aspects of introducing control are complicated by the fact that perceptions of the «norm» and the degree of permitted interference depend on the particular society.

The article highlights the structural-functional and others approaches, the use of which will allow to reveal different foreshortening and optics of the research of the national politics of memory. Through the example of the Republic of Belarus and the Republic of Kazakhstan, the key stages of the formation of the national politics of memory after the collapse of the USSR are considered, the tools and key features being highlighted. In conclusion is reached that the national politics of memory in the post-Soviet space (for example, the countriesreviewed) can be defined as a hybrid model that combines elements of the Soviet politics of memory and modern memory practices constructed using national historiography, symbolic and cultural politics.

The article deals with the problem of combating corruption in the countries of East Asian region. The authors point out existing cultural differences between western and eastern states: in the latter, the practice of offering gifts is not traditionally considered illegal. The study reveals the relationship between soft power and corruption. The latter reduces the attractiveness of the country, thus reducing its soft influence, and hindering the implementation of complex improvements in the social, economic, and political spheres. In addition, corruption undermines confidence in the government, increases instability and inequality. It is argued that anti-corruption methods include the whole range of soft-hard effects (from tougher to softer): 1) guaranteed punishment of those responsible; 2) financial incentives for citizens' anti-corruption behavior; 3) the establishment of rules and regulations; 4) broadcasting relevant values and ideas, as well as the introduction of ethical codes for civil servants. A large role is played by the institutions of civil society, which have an additional amount of information on the manifestation of corruption. A way to reduce corruption is to encourage victims to report incidents in order to make corruptionists accountable. For this purpose, citizens should feel protected, being not afraid of retribution, know where they could find help, and be sure that the necessary measures would be taken. The cases of countering corruption in China and Japan show that the important conditions are: an open dialogue between the government and society; the cessation of silencing cases of corruption; detailed information on the efforts being undertaken; support for non-governmental organizations; and ungag the media.

The article is devoted to the problems of conceptual understanding and theoretical reception of soft power in Russian political science. There are typical moments in the circulation of concepts in the world political science, which are reflected in the Russian developments of the concept of soft power. The following phases of the circulation of the concept of soft power in Russian political science are considered: the creation of a concept with its subsequent popularization; acceptance of the concept by the academic community, its adaptation to the tasks of the country's foreign and domestic policy, including the inclusion of the concept in the discursive field of scientific disciplines, as well as the process of its legitimation through figuring in official political documents; critical understanding of the concept and its update with new methodological approaches and the development of new subject-specific fields. The article highlights the main problem areas of the conceptual analysis of soft power in Russian political science.

The article is devoted to the analysis of academic mobility through the theoretical prism of soft power. The problem of academic mobility is acquiring particular relevance due to the need to expand access to quality higher education in order to increase the effectiveness of knowledge management and to enhance soft power at several levels: individual, educational system and state. Key perspectives on the discourse of international academic mobility are highlighted and directions of the formation of a country's soft power through educational exchanges are outlined. Two main vectors for the development of academic mobility are identified: Western-centric and Asian. The authors assert that at present these vectors are unevenly manifested, with the Western-centric vector remaining dominant. An initiative to form a SCO network university for balancing these vectors is considered. The authors conclude that academic mobility is a special tool for carrying soft influence in the face of global challenges.

Introduction. In the era of globalisation and digitalisation of society, the phenomenon of mobility is of particular relevance in the humanitarian discourse. Technological, socio-political and economic changes, penetrating into the sectors of education and science, contribute to internationalisation, intensification, as well as the inclusive growth of these priority areas of society. The study of academic mobility in the context of the theory of soft power will make it possible quantitatively measure and qualitatively evaluate the information and educational infrastructure as a separate educational and scientific organisation, and the country as a whole. The aim of the present research is to comprehensively consider the international academic mobility of students as a component and recourse of the country’s soft power in post-industrial realities.Methodology and research methods.The methodological framework of the research involves discursive and conceptual approaches. The following general scientific methods were used: comparative and system-structural analysis, synthesis, generalisation and comparative method. Statistical reports and data from global rating systems were analysed and processed through the method of secondary data analysis. The coefficient of rank correlation of the relationship between the number of foreign students in the countries (included in the Top 30 of soft power) and indicators of the rating of the world universities was calculated according to Spirman’s rank correlation test.Results and scientific novelty.The theories of soft power and academic mobility are synthesised on the basis of an analytical review of scientific publications by European, American, Russian and Chinese scientists. The hypothesis of the close interdependence of these concepts is confirmed. Academic mobility, including the virtual one, is shown to be an important tool for achieving geopolitical and economic goals both in the long-term and short-term perspectives. It is established that academic mobility, on the one hand, is determined from the standpoint of economic and political expediency; on the other hand, as a consequence of the globalisation, transforming the higher education system. While Western researchers emphasise the positive aspects of international law by students and scientists, the Russian scientific discourse is largely focused on the negative trends of this process. Two directions of soft power formation in the field of education are identified: training of future leaders (elite) and education of ordinary citizens. The authors revealed the vectors of the discussed type of mobility – Western-centric (Anglo-American) and the new one Asian (Eurasian), in whichChinaand the Chinese language take a special place. It was initiated to establish the SCO University Network among the representatives of member states in order to balance educational flows. The obstacles to its effectiveness are identified.Practical significance.The research findings and conclusions extend the knowledge of the possibilities and limitations of the academic mobility realisation to increase university competitiveness.

Globalization and the active development of new technologies(artificial intelligence, cryonics, biomedical technologies, etc.) affect various aspects of society and man, shifting the focus of researchers to new socio-humanitarian processes and trends. The article attempts to analyze transhumanism as a multidimensional and interdisciplinary phenomenon that explains the various processes and value bases of human modification under the influence of modern technological challenges. Structural and conceptual analysis made it possible to determine the main directions within transhumanism, namely extropianism, singularism, hedonistic imperative, democratic transhumanism, the anti-aging movement, libertarian transhumanism, religious transhumanism, techno-humanism, dateism, as well as to systematize the main features of each of these directions. The problems of humanism and transhumanism are relevant and debatable topics for both domestic and foreign scientists, however, depending on the optics of research, the semantic loading of each concept may vary. Humanism is beginning to be superseded by transhumanistic ideas. It has been established that transhumanism is an umbrella concept that unites the views and ideas of researchers who refuse to accept the traditional limitations of human nature (death, disease, and other biological weaknesses) and seek to find ways and methods of prolonging life. In conclusion, the authors come to the conclusion that transhumanism can be considered both as a theoretical construct defining changes in the possibilities (physical, cognitive, etc.) of a person under the influence of the development and wide dissemination of new technologies (nano, bio, cognitive, etc.), and as a system of values and worldview, where information, knowledge, technology are given priority right in the formation and maintenance of society.