Cet article aborde l’accueil des personnes déplacées ukrainiennes au Québec ayant fui l’invasion et agression russe de 2022. Alors que le Canada accueille la deuxième plus grande diaspora ukrainienne au monde, un statut migratoire temporaire novateur a été créé par le gouvernement fédéral pour admettre les déplacé·es ukrainien·nes et leur donner accès aux services d’établissement – ce qui n’est pas le cas pour les autres migrant·es temporaires. Le Québec s’est rapidement mobilisé pour soutenir les Ukrainien·nes. Dans la province, qui gère ses services d’établissement de manière autonome, les migrant·es temporaires étaient déjà éligibles aux services d’établissement depuis 2020. Les déplacé·es ukrainien·nes du Québec ont un profil démographique et socioéconomique similaire à ceux du reste du Canada. Au niveau local, ils font face aux mêmes défis qu’ailleurs au pays, par exemple l’inégale densité de la diaspora ukrainienne et des services de première ligne, mais aussi à des défis spécifiques tels que le rôle de la maîtrise du français dans l’admissibilité à la résidence permanente.

In Canada, a majority of federal constituency offices deal primarily with immigration files. The few qualitative studies on the subject show that the resources dedicated to these files and the type of work carried out on the immigration files handled vary between offices, thus contributing to disparities in service between federal electoral districts. How can such variation be explained? Based on the quantitative analysis of unpublished administrative data, this article first highlights the diversity of files handled by constituency offices, as well as the types of intervention carried out by constituency assistants. It then aims to explain the variations in case processing according to the type of case and the volume of requests handled. Studies of constituentsʼ files received and processed at constituency office level have argued that the political ideology, gender and ethnicity of the deputy as well as the demographics of the constituency are explanatory factors. This analysis shows that in the case of immigration files, constituency demography is the most important factor, while the MP's political affiliation plays a very limited role. These results shed new light on the factors involved in the processing of immigration cases at constituency level, and add nuance to previous, mainly qualitative analyses. Our results also contribute to understanding the work of constituency offices for constituents, which appears to be far less partisan than in other countries where similar offices exist.

Whether COVID-19-related experienced stress influenced lifestyle habits remains to be thoroughly evaluated among university students. This study examined the relationship between COVID-19-related experienced stress and subsequent lifestyle habits among undergraduate students. This cross-sectional study included 708 undergraduate students from Université Laval (Québec, Canada) participating in the Expériences Pandémiques (ExPan) cohort. Data on COVID-19-related experienced stress and lifestyle were self-reported using a questionnaire completed between February and April of 2022. A stress index (SI) was computed by summing scores associated with 31 situational statements related to the pandemic (e.g., not being able to see friends, dealing with job loss). A healthy lifestyle score (HLS) ranging from zero to seven was calculated based on seven lifestyle habits: moderate-to-vigorous physical activity, sleep quality, fruit and vegetable intake, tobacco and electronic cigarette use, alcohol consumption, cannabis use, and hard or sedative-hypnotic drugs use. In multivariable-adjusted models, a negative association between the SI and the HLS was found (β 10% increment SI = −0.23, 95% CI = −0.30, −0.16 HLS point; P < 0.0001). The SI was also negatively associated with sleep quality, and fruit and vegetable consumption, while being positively associated with at-risk alcohol consumption, cannabis use, and hard or sedative-hypnotic drug use. Subgroup analyses suggested a negative relationship between the SI and HLS among participants who did not receive academic accommodations (e.g., additional time for evaluations, personal notetaker), but not those who received such accommodations. This study suggests that COVID-19-related experienced stress was negatively associated with healthy lifestyle habits in this cohort of undergraduate students.

Considering the Afghan evacuation of 2021 and its aftermath, this article suggests the term ‘brain save’ to characterise emerging protection discourses and practices concerning the resettlement of skilled women refugees. Resettlement has traditionally focused on women as vulnerable because of their gender. Drawing on examples of the evacuation and prospective resettlement of Afghan women professionals, the article develops the analytic concept of brain save to label these discourses and practices. Unlike ‘brain drain’, brain save challenges established politics of vulnerability and has progressive potential for resettlement as a durable solution. However, it also implies problematic prioritisation of particular resettlement candidates.

presented in Tennis’ case studies, but warehousing states are often not the origin state for refugees. The different negotiating strategies that are employed in these scenarios would be interesting to compare to the strategies of the destination-origin state relationship. Also, a more in-depth discussion of the Libyan case study could elicit valuable information on international relations with origin states that are amid conflict. The book provides a complex, yet practical, framework with which to assess the future of extraterritorial interdiction agreements and international cooperation on migration, more generally. Tennis opens a new fruitful research agenda within international migration and security with a more nuanced understanding of what makes states strong negotiators. Outsourcing Control is a must-read for scholars and students of international relations and migration.

EDITORIAL article Front. Hum. Dyn., 10 June 2022Sec. Refugees and Conflict https://doi.org/10.3389/fhumd.2022.931288

Les enquêtes statistiques au Canada et ailleurs montrent que les réfugiés sont souvent affectés de manière disproportionnée par le chômage et le sous-emploi, en particulier lors des premières années qui suivent leur arrivée dans leur pays d’accueil. La comparaison des politiques de soutien à l’emploi des jeunes réfugiés dans trois pays ayant un système fédéral, le Canada, l’Australie et la Belgique, s’appuie sur les statistiques disponibles. Elle permet notamment d’identifier les niveaux de gouvernement impliqués dans ces politiques publiques et de mieux comprendre les défis liés à leur mise en œuvre.