Labour platforms such as UBER, PeoplePerHour and Rappi have become a global phenomenon. Their business model is affecting global labour markets and disrupting service industries such as ride hailing, cognitive work and food delivery. Labour platforms not only rely on a flexible labour supply but are also at the forefront of utilising new technologies such as algorithms to control labour. For this reason, scholarly analyses of labour platforms are increasingly employing an integrated approach that accounts for the different layers of control intersecting at the point of production. Following such an approach, an ethnographic case study in platform food delivery was conducted, aided by semi-structured interviews and digital artifacts. This case study shows that algorithmic control is able to reduce effort indeterminacy but is less equipped to cope with indeterminacy of mobility induced by flexible labour supply. As such, algorithmic control was integrated with two additional control mechanisms: first, core workers were put into a position of controlling peripheral workers; and second, attempts were made to craft a community that offered strategic managerial avenues. Altogether, given the interplay between effort and mobility power, the study contributes to an understanding of technological control internal to social and institutional relations.

Das Buch beschäftigt sich mit der Frage, warum manche gewerkschaftlich aktiven Arbeiter:innen eine Nähe zu rechten politischen Einstellungen haben. Wettkampfklassen, exklusive Solidarität und eine demobilisierte Klassengesellschaft sind dabei die zentralen Konzepte, die solche Einstellungsmuster als alltagsweltliche Antwort auf fortschreitende gesellschaftliche Erosions- und Prekarisierungsprozesse verstehbar machen. Daraus leitet sich das gewerkschaftspolitische Erfordernis ab, dass Gewerkschaften ihre klassische Schutzfunktion um eine qualitative Arbeitspolitik erweitern müssen. Diese Arbeitspolitik sollte dabei nicht nur imstande sein, auf den mehrdimensionalen Verteilungskonflikt abseits konkreter betrieblicher Arbeitsrealitäten zu reagieren, sondern auch unter dem Vorzeichen eines antifaschistischen Grundkonsenses stehen.

New forms of work organization associated with platform labour challenge the notion of the traditional workplace, the employment relationship and the given institutional setting of a nation state. Such conventional spatial and institutional 'containers', where work traditionally takes place, are clearly losing importance in the platform economy. In particular, online platform labour seems to be 'placeless', which is not actually the case because the work takes place somewhere, its spatial distribution is not arbitrary and employment is influenced by local and national conditions. Location-based platform work, on the other hand, is not fully limited to the local scale not least because many platforms are multinational corporations. While place and space still matter the platform economy clearly has an impact on labour relations by, among other things, altering spatial structures.

Im Kontext geografisch verteilter Arbeit wird digital verlagerte Arbeit auf Onlineplattformen intensiv diskutiert. Diese virtuelle Arbeitsform fordert dabei die Interessenartikulation der Arbeitskräfte in mehrfacher Hinsicht heraus: die geografische Verteilung und die fehlende betriebliche Einbettung führen zum Verlust gemeinsamer Erfahrungs- und Gesprächszusammenhänge. Der Beitrag beleuchtet das Verhältnis zwischen virtuellen Kommunikationsräumen und Praktiken der Interessenartikulation in der Onlineplattformarbeit, unter Abgrenzung ortsbasierter Formen von Plattformarbeit. Zudem zeigt sich, dass die unterschiedliche Arbeitsorganisation in hochstandardisierter Onlineplattformarbeit (Microwork) bzw. bei komplexeren Tätigkeiten (Online-Freelancing) unterschiedliche Formen der Interessenartikulation bedarf. Es wird deutlich, dass virtuelle Kommunikationsräume einen wichtigen Ansatzpunkt für die Interessenartikulation in der Onlineplattform bieten. Solche Praktiken des Miteinanders zwischen Arbeitskräften in der Onlineplattformarbeit sind schon jetzt mit Formen der Interessenartikulation verknüpft.

I had never been interested in video games -until I read Marx at the Arcade.Jamie Woodcock provides pleasurable reading and makes a convincing case that studying the video game industry reveals much about current modes of capitalist production, as well as the ways for workers' selfemancipation.This research interest influences the author's variety of publications and involvements such as the most up-to-date introduction to the gig economy (Woodcock and Graham, 2019), the Fairwork Foundation (https://fair.work)-a project aiming to increase working standards for platform workers -or the activist-research collective Notes from Below (https://notesfrombelow.org).So why is it important to gain insights into the video game industry?According to Woodcock, there are three reasons.First, it is an important cultural commodity: millions of workers escape from the stress of the outside world or from boredom in their offices through video games.Second, being one of the most profitable sectors of the entertainment industry, it involves vast supply chains reaching from the production of hardware to the construction of software to the retailing of the commodity.Third, according to the author, the industry reflects current modes of production involving digitalisation, isolation, precarious employment and weak unionisation.Recently, critical labour researchers pushed so-called workers' inquiries as a research tool for contributing to worker's self-organisation and eventually self-emancipation.For researchers, this means it is useful not only to ground their perspective within the working realities of people but also to conduct research as a collective project in an attempt to increase working-class power.Utilised also in an earlier work of the author (Woodcock, 2017), Woodcock applies this framework to the video game industry, along with the concept of class composition, to understand the working realities in the game industry.Class composition involves three dimensions: technical, social and political composition.Understanding the technical composition of game workers covers the labour process and working conditions.The labour process in the video game industry is quite complex and interconnected; it needs a variety of professions such as designers, programmers, level designers, sound engineers and testers.Large video game corporations exploit the passion of video game designers, who often lack a clear distinction between play and work, and whose surplus labour is appropriated in already scheduled "crunch times", that require long working days to meet stressful project deadlines.The work is not only stressful, but workers are also isolated.This is partly because non-disclosure agreements are widespread and silence workers, as they cannot talk about any aspect of their work.Researching this industry naturally is complicated, and organising workers even harder.Social composition is the less-elaborated part of the book's analysis.Generally, it asks how workers are embedded outside of work or, as the author puts it, "the factors that contribute to the

Microwork or microtasking is defined as digital work carried out via Internet platforms containing repetitive small tasks. The concept has gained currency in the debates on the Internet economy and the emergence of a global workforce for information processing. It emerged from the combined interest in the developments of the capitalist labor process and the social consequences of technological change. Research on microwork covers a number of different dimensions: the task structure and work demands; the time structures of microwork; the income security; the precarious employment situation; the relationship between clients, platform, and workers; the architecture of microwork platforms; the collective organization of microworkers; and microwork as a means to bring jobs to remote regions and less developed countries. Currently, research focuses on precarity, time structures, and the architecture of platforms with their consequences for power relations between clients, platforms, and workers. Future research may more intensively look at the regulation of microwork in different institutional settings.