2SLGBTQ+ people often depend on digital platforms, including social media, to connect with members of their community and curate support networks, especially during the COVID-19 pandemic, which has had devastating mental health impacts on marginalized populations. Unfortunately, these same platforms are often engulfed with homophobia and transphobic rhetoric and high rates of online violence targeted at 2SLGBTQ+ communities. To shed light on how digital platforms can help and/or hinder 2SLGBTQ+ people's mental health, we conducted a mixed-methods survey to examine mental health outcomes among 2SLGBTQ+ people in Nova Scotia, Canada, who have used digital platforms during and since the COVID-19 pandemic. The Health Equity Promotion Model was applied to analyze survey data collected from 119 participants and uncover how intersecting individual, structural, and technological factors and affordances impact 2SLGBTQ+ people's mental health. Our findings reflect the diversity and fluidity of 2SLGBTQ+ people's mental health experiences that cannot be viewed through a positivistic lens. We discuss the ethical implications of digital platforms and their mental health effects on marginalized populations and the importance of conducting intersectional research, and we conclude with recommendations to support 2SLGBTQ+ people's mental health.

ObjectivesTo review the literature on Gay, Bisexual, Trans, and Queer (GBTQ) men and sexual consent.MethodsEight electronic databases were searched in June 2022, yielding 1924 articles; 30 were included for review after screening.ResultsWe found a growing body of literature focused on GBTQ men, with an increasingly intersectional lens. Most studies adopted a nuanced definition of sexual consent. Many discussed the unique sexual scripts developed by GBTQ men to communicate consent, especially in sex venues, and how unfamiliarity with these scripts creates vulnerability for newly "out" men. A common theme was the impact of heteromasculine norms on sexual encounters between GBTQ men.ConclusionsThe reviewed literature problematizes binary definitions of consent and miscommunication theories of assault. It both celebrates and problematizes GBTQ sexual cultures. We encourage future research to adopt more explicitly anti-carceral approaches to studying sexual consent and violence.

ObjectiveThe purpose of this study was to analyse available literature on the mental health of LGBTQ+ people during the COVID-19 pandemic.MethodsFor this scoping review, six electronic databases were searched in three broad topic areas (the COVID-19 pandemic, LGBTQ+ people, mental health) in April 2022. The search yielded 4,285 studies, and after screening them, 61 studies were included in the final review, which were thematically analysed.ResultsResults were organised according to four themes: comparative effects of the pandemic on LGBTQ+ and heterosexual cisgender people's mental health; mental health impacts; differences in the mental health among LGBTQ+ people; and protective and risk factors. LGBTQ+ people's mental health was disproportionately impacted by the pandemic, particularly when compared to heterosexual and cisgender people. Some sub-populations of LGBTQ+ people were impacted more than others, such as bisexual, transgender, non-binary, and gender-diverse people. Depression, anxiety, and stress/distress were the most salient mental health issues, though loneliness, suicidal ideation, self-harm, and COVID-related fears were also prevalent. LGBTQ+ people used substances, social media, dating apps, and pornography to cope with the pandemic.DiscussionGaps in the literature and study limitations are identified, and recommendations for policy, health services, and future research are offered.

Smartphone-based dating applications like Grindr are popular among men who have sex with men (MSM), and it is common for MSM to engage in sexual activity with other users. Despite this, there is limited research on MSM's negotiations of consent for online sexual interactions and in-person sexual encounters. This study examined MSM's understandings and practices of consent on dating apps and in person. Interpretative phenomenological analysis of 25 interviews with MSM dating app users revealed that many participants could identify key aspects of consent but did not always apply those understandings to their own practices. For online sexual interactions, some participants viewed consent as connecting to a dating app - a practice I term "clickable consent" - while other participants viewed consent as continuous and communicated consent in explicit and implicit ways. Although all participants negotiated consent online in preparation for an in-person sexual encounter, some renegotiated consent in person with explicit or non-explicit communication, while others did not renegotiate consent in person. Results shed light on how MSM's online conversations impact their in-app and in-person sexual activities, and reveal challenges that MSM face in digital and physical spaces. Conclusions, implications, and suggestions for future research are discussed further.

Contexte : Les personnes peuvent subir des violences sexuelles, mais peu d’études ont exploré les expériences des hommes ayant des relations sexuelles avec d’autres hommes (HARSAH). Cette étude porte sur la violence sexuelle parmi les HARSAH qui utilisent les applications de rencontres au Canada. Analyse : Une analyse thématique d’entretiens avec 25 HARSAH a révélé des types communs de violence sexuelle et a mis en lumière la façon dont les HARSAH utilisent les affordances pour gérer ou réduire les incidents de violence sexuelle facilitée par la technologie. Conclusion et implications : Les HARSAH subissent et perpétuent la violence sexuelle en ligne et en personne, et la technologie peut exacerber ou atténuer ce problème.

Background: Many people can be exposed to sexual violence, but few studies have explored the experiences of men who have sex with men (MSM). This study examines sexual violence among those MSM who use dating apps in Canada. Analysis: A thematic analysis of interviews with 25 MSM reveals common types of sexual violence, and sheds light on how MSM use affordances to deal with or reduce technology-facilitated incidents of sexual violence. Conclusion and implications: Men who have sex with men endure and perpetuate online and face-to-face sexual violence, and technology can exacerbate or diminish this problem.

The coronavirus disease-19 pandemic introduced a crisis of safety and relevance for dating apps, as their affordances for facilitating in-person encounters posed the risk of viral transmission. This article examines how eight apps primarily catering to heterosexual markets responded to the pandemic through changes to socio-technical arrangements, new user prescriptions, and the curation of corporate data and success stories. By analyzing corporate social media and promotional materials alongside in-app developments, we find that these companies reimagined app affordances to promote "virtual dating," a set of practices and symbolic meanings that prioritize visual, synchronous digital interaction as the most responsible, reliable, and successful dating approach to the pandemic. Virtual dating centers apps as databases of potential partners while prescribing modes of use aimed toward affective relief, displays of authenticity, and romantic courtship. This reimagining counters moral panics about digitally mediated relationships by resorting to heteronormative dating scripts while overlooking alternative app uses.

The unsolicited “dick pic” (DP), which refers to a photo of a penis that is sent without the consent of the recipient, has been identified as a form of technology-facilitated sexual violence (Powell & Henry, 2017). While men who have sex with men (MSM) experience elevated rates of technology-facilitated sexual violence, much of the research has focused on interactions between heterosexual men and women. This study investigated the experiences that MSM have with sending and receiving unsolicited DPs on dating apps. Analysis of interviews with 25 MSM dating app users in Canada revealed three “dimensions” of unsolicited DPs—consensual, wanted, and typical—that capture users’ experiences of receiving such images relative to consent and sexual violence frameworks. Seven factors, including the attractiveness of the sender and the DP, had an impact on MSM’s experiences. Unsolicited DPs were found to be sent for a variety of reasons, including to compliment the recipient and to coerce them into replying with sexual images. It is argued that MSM have trivialized unsolicited DPs and that these images are, according to current definitions, a form of technology-facilitated sexual violence that MSM experience on dating apps. However, there were variations in participants’ experiences and some participants did not characterize unsolicited DPs as problematic or non-consensual, which challenges the notion that MSM always experience these images as sexually violent. These findings shed light on the complexities of unsolicited DPs and indicate the need to (re)examine definitions of technology-facilitated violence and explore MSM’s consent practices within the context of dating apps.

We offer exploratory reflections on the matter of sexual misconduct affecting sexuality minority male students by males in positions of authority in the university, based on interviews with eight sexual violence service providers and five men across Canada with lived experience, as well as information gathered through our recruitment work. Data were interpreted using thematic analysis. Our results indicate that there is a need to think through the specificity of sexual misconduct involving men in university settings. Several dynamics operate to perpetuate a willed ambiguity on this issue that allow abuses of power to go unchecked. These include difficulties in having a conversation on this topic, the sexualization of gay male culture, gender dynamics among gay men, ‘queer’ justifications, risks of social isolation, and financial precarity.

This chapter examines how international dating app companies responded in the early months of the pandemic. Dating apps were popularised in the early 2010s and result from the digitisation of dating services that began in the 1990s. Dating apps are also associated with important health-related issues. Health researchers and practitioners have quickly identified dating apps as potential tools that could be leveraged to reach target populations. The Coronavirus disease (COVID) pandemic is a uniquely rich case study for examining the role of dating apps as responsive to digital health. Like many popular social media platforms, dating app companies started communicating with their users about the risks related to the novel coronavirus by mid-March 2020. Dating apps that cater to queer men were particularly active in health communication. In-app communications were not exclusively used to engage in digital health but were also mobilised in marketing ploys. © 2021 selection and editorial matter, Deborah Lupton and Karen Willis.

Rape culture, described as when “violence is seen as sexy and sexuality as violent” (Buchwald, Fletcher, & Roth, 1993, p. vii), exists online and offline (Henry & Powell, 2014). Much of the research on rape culture focuses on the experiences of heterosexual women, and few studies have explored rape culture in the context of dating apps. This chapter explores how men who have sex with men (MSM) understand and experience rape culture through their use of Grindr and similar dating apps. A thematic analysis of interviews with 25 MSM dating app users revealed problematic user behavior as well as unwanted sexual messages and images as common manifestations of rape culture on dating apps. Participants explained that rape culture extends beyond in-app interactions to in-person encounters, as evident by incidents of sexual violence that several participants had experienced and one participant had committed. Participants were unsure about the extent to which MSM dating apps facilitate rape culture but asserted that some apps enable rape culture more than others. This chapter demonstrates the importance of investigating sexual violence against people of diverse gender and sexual identities to ensure their experiences are not minimized, ignored, or rendered invisible. Keywords Rape culture Sexual violence Dating apps Gay Queer MSM Citation Dietzel, C. (2021), "“That's Straight-Up Rape Culture”: Manifestations of Rape Culture on Grindr", Bailey, J., Flynn, A. and Henry, N. (Ed.) The Emerald International Handbook of Technology-Facilitated Violence and Abuse (Emerald Studies In Digital Crime, Technology and Social Harms), Emerald Publishing Limited, Bingley, pp. 351-368. https://doi.org/10.1108/978-1-83982-848-520211026 Publisher: Emerald Publishing Limited Copyright © 2021 Christopher Dietzel. Published by Emerald Publishing Limited. This chapter is published under the Creative Commons Attribution (CC BY 4.0) licence. Anyone may reproduce, distribute, translate and create derivative works of these chapters (for both commercial and non-commercial purposes), subject to full attribution to the original publication and authors. The full terms of this licence may be seen at http://creativecommons.org/licences/by/4.0/legalcode. License This chapter is published under the Creative Commons Attribution (CC BY 4.0) licence. Anyone may reproduce, distribute, translate and create derivative works of these chapters (for both commercial and non-commercial purposes), subject to full attribution to the original publication and authors. The full terms of this licence may be seen at http://creativecommons.org/licences/by/4.0/legalcode. Introduction During the 1970s, second-wave feminists began critiquing myths about women and sexual violence and introduced the term “rape culture” to articulate how society normalizes and condones sexual violence (Brownmiller, 1975). Since then, scholars, activists, and others have conceptualized rape culture as “the social, cultural, and structural discourses and practices in which sexual violence is tolerated, accepted, eroticized, minimized and trivialized” (Henry & Powell, 2014, p. 2). In a rape culture, there are blurred lines around consent, male sexual aggression is accepted and encouraged, and victims are blamed for the violence they have suffered (Phipps, Ringrose, Renold, & Jackson, 2018; Sills et al., 2016). Perpetrators are excused, and sexual violence is rendered acceptable, attractive, and inevitable (Keller, Mendes, & Ringrose, 2018; Smith, 2004). One of the most cited definitions of rape culture comes from Buchwald, Fletcher, and Roth (1993, p. vii) in their book, Transforming A Rape Culture: It is a complex set of beliefs that encourages male sexual aggression and supports violence against women. It is a society where violence is seen as sexy and sexuality as violent. In a rape culture women perceive a continuum of threatened violence that ranges from sexual remarks to sexual touching to rape itself. A rape culture condones physical and emotional terrorism against women as the norm. Consistent with other authors, Buchwald et al. (1993) describe rape culture as the ideologies and systems that have normalized and condoned sexual violence. They explain that sexual violence exists on a continuum that includes harassment, coercion, threats, and emotional and physical harm (see also Kelly, 1988). This notion of rape culture, however, presents a challenge when considering the systems and practices that trivialize and perpetuate sexual violence against people of diverse genders and sexualities, such as men who have sex with men (MSM), women who have sex with women, and trans and gender diverse people. Problematizing – or queering – rape culture in this way exposes the fact that rape culture is a heteronormative concept framed as sexual violence that men perpetrate against women. When we conceptualize rape culture in heteronormative terms, MSM are implicated without being affected. MSM participate in systems and practices that normalize and condone sexual violence against women but are not recognized as targets of such violence. However, if we consider rape culture in broader terms – without restricting the normalization and condonation of sexual violence in society to people of a particular gender or sexuality – then the concept can also apply to MSM. It is not within the scope of this chapter to scrutinize the various definitions of rape culture or to propose a new conceptualization sensitive to people of diverse genders and sexualities. Rather, I have adopted Shariff's (2017, p. 56) definition of rape culture: “the way in which sexist societal attitudes and language tacitly condone, minimize and/or normalize sexual violence, mostly against women, but also against other genders through institutions, communities and individuals” (p. 56). This aim of this chapter is to explore how MSM understand and experience rape culture through their use of Grindr and similar dating apps. There are several reasons why it is useful to investigate these experiences. First, MSM are avid users of dating apps. Grindr, the most popular of the MSM dating apps (Badal, Stryker, DeLuca, & Purcell, 2018), recently reported that it has 3.8 million daily active users worldwide (Clement, 2019). Second, MSM dating apps are highly sexualized spaces (Race, 2015), and MSM may feel pressured or expected to engage in sexual activity even if they do not want to (Gavey, Schmidt, Braun, Fenaughty, & Eremin, 2009; Klesse, 2016). Third, MSM may dismiss or trivialize their experiences with sexual violence because of the assumption that men always want sex (Hollway, 1998). Although MSM dating apps are highly sexualized spaces, MSM actually use the apps for a variety of reasons, including to socialize and pass the time (Albury et al., 2019). This means that MSM may presume all dating app users want to engage in sexual activities even though some users may not be interested in anything sexual, thereby creating the possibility for unwanted sexual advances. Lastly, there are high rates of sexual violence against MSM (Rothman, Exner, & Baughman, 2011), and MSM dating app users are concerned about experiencing sexual violence through their use of dating apps (Corriero & Tong, 2016). Thus, in order to investigate manifestations of rape culture against MSM, it is beneficial to explore their experiences with dating apps. This chapter presents findings from an empirical study conducted with 25 MSM dating app users. Applying thematic analysis to the interview data, I found that participants talked about a variety of user behaviors indicative of rape culture, including imposing, aggressive, assumptive, and coercive behavior. Participants identified unwanted sexual messages and unwanted sexual images as two common manifestations of rape culture on dating apps and discussed how rape culture extends from in-app interactions to in-person encounters. Several participants disclosed that they had experienced sexual violence from MSM dating app users and one participant admitted that he had committed an act of sexual violence. Participants also reflected on the ways in which apps facilitate rape culture, though there was not consensus among participants regarding the extent to which dating app companies should be held accountable. I discuss the challenges in addressing rape culture and sexual violence against MSM, while also considering the sexual norms of MSM communities and the unique positionality of MSM as perpetrators and victims of sexual violence. The chapter closes with a call to (re)conceptualize rape culture so that definitions and understandings take into consideration the unique experiences of people with diverse gender and sexual identities. Manifestations of Rape Culture Rape culture manifests across society, including in law, medicine, education, and media (Dietzel, 2019; Phillips, 2016; Shariff, Dietzel, & Jaswal, 2017). Institutions such as these excuse perpetrators, fail to offer adequate support or resources to survivors, and contribute to social structures that perpetuate gender inequality and violence (Buchwald et al., 1993; Burt, 1980; Henry & Powell, 2014). These macrolevel manifestations illustrate how sexual violence has been condoned and trivialized in society, further evident by the high rates of sexual violence against women and MSM (Cotter & Savage, 2019; Rothman et al., 2011). However, rape culture is also present at the microlevel, such as when individuals blame victims for the sexual violence they have suffered or make jokes about sexual assault and rape (Henry & Powell, 2014). Of course, these manifestations reflect societal structures, gendered power relations, inequality, and social ideologies that condone and trivialize sexual violence against women. Rape culture also manifests online. In some cases, rape culture is reproduced in virtual spaces; people in online communities perpetuate rape myths and trivialize sexual violence (Phipps et al., 2018; Stubbs-Richardson, Rader, & Cosby, 2018). In other cases, technology creates new problems, such as the nonconsensual distribution of intimate images and videos (Powell, Henry, & Flynn, 2018). Although most of the research investigating rape culture online has focused on the experiences of heterosexual women and girls (e.g., Henry & Powell, 2014; Keller et al., 2018), these studies still offer a valuable starting point to explore how rape culture can manifest in the experiences of MSM. Like women (see Cama, this volume), MSM are targets of male sexual aggression, can be exploited and coerced into engaging in unwanted sexual acts, are often blamed for the sexual violence a perpetrator has committed against them, and may not be believed or taken seriously when they disclose or report an incident of sexual violence (Braun, Schmidt, Gavey, & Fenaughty, 2009; Davies, 2002; Gavey, 2005). Similar to women, MSM face rape myths and stereotypes that serve to silence their experiences of sexual violence (Mortimer, Powell, & Sandy, 2019). Moreover, concerning manifestations of rape culture online, women and MSM both experience high rates of technology-facilitated sexual violence (Powell, Scott, Flynn, & Henry, 2020). Technology-facilitated sexual violence (TFSV) is an umbrella term that refers to a range of behaviors in which technology is “used to facilitate both virtual and face-to-face sexually based harms” (Henry & Powell, 2016, p. 1). TFSV includes image-based sexual abuse, psychological violence, sexual harassment, coercion, cyberstalking, threats, hate speech, and the use of digital technologies to commit sexual violence in person (Henry & Powell, 2014). One example is online sexual harassment, or cyber-sexual harassment, which refers to unwanted or unwelcome behavior of a sexual nature (Biber, Doverspike, Baznik, Cober, & Ritter, 2002; Ritter, 2014; Schenk, 2008), including unwanted sexual attention and uninvited sexual advances (Van Royen, Vandebosch, & Poels, 2015). People may also use an online space to make threats of sexual violence against someone and then share their personal details in an effort to encourage others to commit violence against them (Fairbairn, 2015; Powell & Henry, 2017). One of the most common experiences of TFSV is image-based sexual abuse (IBSA). IBSA is “the nonconsensual creation of nude or sexual images, the nonconsensual distribution of those intimate images, and the threat of distributing intimate images” (Powell et al., 2018, p. 306). Sometimes referred to as “revenge porn,” IBSA occurs when a perpetrator seeks status, money, retribution, or personal enjoyment (Powell et al., 2018). IBSA refers to a range of behaviors, including voyeurism (i.e., sharing sexual images for sexual pleasure), sextortion (i.e., trying to obtain money, sexual images, or sexual acts by threatening the dissemination of sexual images), and sexual assault image sharing (i.e., distributing images or videos of a victim of sexual assault or rape) (see Powell & Henry, 2017). Research has shown that MSM experience high rates of IBSA compared to heterosexual people. Henry, Powell, and Flynn (2017) found that 39% of MSM reported being victims of IBSA compared to 21% of heterosexual people. Some research has estimated that MSM dating app users are more than twice as likely as the general population to experience IBSA (Waldman, 2019), though other research suggests MSM may suffer IBSA at a rate five to six times higher than heterosexual people (Lenhart, Ybarra, & Price-Feeney, 2016). In a recent study, Powell et al. (2020) found that over half of MSM have experienced IBSA. It should be noted that men are more likely than women to be perpetrators of IBSA (Powell et al., 2020). This finding holds true for MSM. Henry et al. (2017) found that 80% of MSM who had experienced IBSA reported that the abuse was perpetrated by another man. Similarly, in a study by Garcia, Gesselman, and Siliman (2016), MSM were more than twice as likely to distribute another person's sexual image without their consent. These findings suggest that MSM occupy a unique position relative to IBSA: although they experience high rates of victimization, they are also frequently perpetrators. In addition to online sexual harassment, IBSA, online threats, and other sexually aggressive behaviors online, another manifestation of TFSV is the use of dating apps to perpetrate a sexual assault in person (Fairbairn, 2015; Powell & Henry, 2017). In their investigation of sexual assaults related to dating app use, Rowse, Bolt, and Gaya (2020) found that 14% of alleged sexual assaults happened after meeting someone from a dating app; over 50% occurred at the perpetrator's private residence; and, in over 80% of cases, the assault was committed the first time the dating app users met in person. Although Rowse et al.'s (2020) study did not include statistics on MSM, there are reports of men experiencing sexual assault from someone they met through online dating (see National Crime Agency, 2016). TFSV is a concern for MSM dating app users. In a study on perceived risks related to dating app use, Albury and Byron (2016) noted that same sex attracted individuals were more worried about sexual predators and nonconsensual sexual relations than sexual health. Bauermeister, Giguere, Carballo-Dieguez, Ventuneac, and Eisenberg (2010) found that about half of MSM worry about their physical safety when meeting someone online, and more than one in 10 are specifically concerned about forced sex and rape. Similarly, Corriero and Tong (2016) reported that fears of sexual violence – such as harassment, physical harm, and rape – are common among MSM dating app users. These concerns are not unfounded. Waldman's (2019) study found that MSM have experienced harassment, catfishing, sextortion, and IBSA through their use of dating apps. Method The data presented in this chapter comes from a qualitative research project examining the experiences of MSM dating app users. Semi-structured interviews were conducted with 25 MSM dating app users in Autumn 2017 in Montreal, Canada. Participants were required to identify as an MSM dating app user and be at least 18 years old. Participants were recruited for three months using snowball sampling and flyers posted at a large Canadian university and in Montreal's gay neighborhood. Following Blackwell, Birnholtz, and Abbott's (2015) approach for collecting data, participants were offered three interview options – in person, by telephone, or via an online chat – and were encouraged to choose the option best suited to their desired level of comfort, accessibility, and anonymity. The majority of participants chose to interview in person (n = 19), although a few interviewed by telephone (n = 3) and online chat (n = 3). Each interview lasted about one hour and was conducted in either English or French (with French interview data later translated into English). All participants self-identified as MSM dating app users, with 24 identifying their gender as male and one identifying as gender-fluid. Most participants identified as gay, though two identified as queer and one identified as bisexual. No participants identified as transgender. Participants' ages ranged from 18 to 62 years. While the majority of participants identified as White (n = 14), participants also identified as Middle Eastern (n = 3), Hispanic (n = 3), Multiracial (n = 3), Asian (n = 1), and Black (n = 1). Pseudonyms are used throughout the chapter in order to protect participants' identities. The most used MSM dating app among participants was Grindr (n = 23), though many participants also used other apps and websites, including Tinder, Scruff, Hornet, and OkCupid. Participants reported that they mainly used the apps to seek sex, meet people, and find dates or relationships. In the interviews, I asked participants about their experiences with dating apps, including any unwanted sexual interactions they may have had while interacting with other MSM online or in person. I also asked participants if, and how, rape culture manifests on Grindr. Participants were not provided with a definition of rape culture, nor were they corrected if their definition did not align with the definition I adopted for this research. I thematically analyzed the data following Braun and Clarke's (2006) approach. Thematic analysis “is a method for identifying, analyzing and reporting patterns (themes) within data” such that “it minimally organizes and describes [a] data set in (rich) detail” (Braun & Clarke, 2006, p. 79). Findings Participants said that MSM dating app users regularly imposed their sexual desires on other users and presumed another user's consent without asking. According to Michael (18, gay, male, White), “they don't know or care if the other person is attracted to them… if the other person is even looking for a sexual relationship.” Ang (36, gay, male, Asian) similarly felt that users “assume that they have the right to do everything that they want.” Robert (23, gay, male, White) figured this was because app users share common sexual identities: “gay guys are, you know, everybody thinks that we always want sex.” Participants talked about how MSM presume what another dating app user wants because of the information available on their profile. Robert (23, gay, male, White) explained that “if your profile says, ‘looking for hookup’ of course you're going to think, ‘Oh, he wants naked pictures.’” Jadyn (32, gay, male, Black) gave another example: “someone may put on their profile that they're 100% a power bottom and someone just automatically messages them and is like, ‘Oh yeah, you like to take it up on the ass or get gang banged.’” Some participants discussed race and ethnicity in relation to rape culture. Charlie (24, gay, male, White) identified the fetishization of racialized MSM dating app users as one of its manifestations. Jadyn (32, gay, male, Black) talked about a user profiling him because he is Black: “he hits me up, and we start talking a little bit, and he went on to say, ‘You look like you'd be a great rapist.’” A few participants talked about situations in which MSM dating app users had pressured them or tried to persuade them into engaging in a sexual activity, even if they said they were not interested. As Nicolas (62, gay, male, Multiracial) explained, “they think that they'll be able to convince you, that you're almost playing hard to get, as if it's a game.” Alexandre (25, gay, male, White) found that “some people can't understand that you're not interested in them and keep insisting.” Similarly, Mason (26, bisexual, male, Multiracial) said some users do not take “no” for an answer: “if they're insisting and you made it very clear that you're not interested, that could probably be one way that rape culture could manifest itself on Grindr.” Participants were not always on the receiving end of this behavior. Some participants admitted that they may have interacted with other users in problematic ways. Gabriel (21, gay, male, White), for example, reflected on why other users had blocked him on the apps: “I imagine that I might have been insistent.” Similarly, Robert (23, gay, male, White) said, “I may have been pushy one or two times with someone.” Jadyn (32, gay, male, Black) also recognized that his behavior could have been an issue sometimes: “maybe I was the one who was being persistent or maybe I said something that was not savory or classy or… I mean, we're not perfect, right?” The two most commonly mentioned experiences of rape culture on MSM dating apps include unwanted sexual messages and unwanted sexual images. As Oscar (22, gay, male, White) explained: “that's its manifestation on Grindr, when there's been no consent or there's been no context to go further sexually by text or images.” Below I discuss participants' experiences with messages and images and also explore how rape culture extends from apps to in-person encounters. This section closes with reflections on the ways in which apps facilitate rape culture. Messages Participants talked about MSM dating app users who impose themselves on unwilling, uninterested recipients by sending “aggressive” and “invasive” messages. Jadyn (32, gay, male, Black) gave the following example: “the first message, you open up to a guy who is like, ‘I want to take you, grab you by the hair, and fuck you hard in the ass.’” Charlie (24, gay, male, White) said these messages “might make you feel threatened for your physical safety or for your own personal integrity,” while Noah (28, gay, male, White) described them as “degrading” but “normalized in the gay male world.” Skyler (28, queer, male, White), who had experienced this “super pushy” and “violent” behavior from users despite not giving any indication he was interested in them, explained that these messages imply “someone is purely meant for someone else's sexual gratification.” Elijah (18, gay, male, White) said these messages reduce people to sexual objects: “you're not necessarily treating them like a person, you're just treating them as someone to have sex with.” Talking about how he felt when he received such messages, Nicolas (62, gay, male, Multiracial) said, “it's almost like being violated right off the bat.” Images Participants said it was common for MSM dating app users to save and share other users' sexual images without their consent. Oscar (22, gay, male, White) had exchanged photos with a casual sex partner and found his photos shared on Facebook. Noah (28, gay, male, White) had a sexual partner from years ago who saved and shared his photos and only became aware of it when a friend approached him at the gym and informed him that the person was distributing photos of his penis online. Both Jadyn (32, gay, male, Black) and Charlie (24, gay, male, White) reported that in the weeks prior to their interviews, numerous local MSM dating app users had their photos posted on an anonymous Tumblr account. Said Charlie (24, gay, male, White): “someone made a Montreal Tumblr blog where they were messaging all these people and getting their pictures and their dick pics, and they posted them all on this Tumblr.” Charlie (24, gay, male, White) and Theo (20, gay, gender-fluid, Multiracial) referred to the nonconsensual dissemination of sexual photos as “revenge porn.” Charlie (24, gay, male, White) explained that revenge porn is “a form of sexual assault” and “a huge part of rape culture.” Theo (20, gay, gender-fluid, Multiracial) agreed that this was a clear example of rape culture from MSM dating apps: “the sharing of pictures without someone's consent – that's straight-up rape culture.” Participants were concerned about the consequences that dissemination could have on their lives and careers. Ravi (28, gay, male, Middle Eastern) stated he and his friends do not trust anyone on Grindr out of concerns for their sexual photos being leaked. Ang (36, gay, male, Asian) agreed: “Given the fact that I am in the profession I am, I'm really reluctant to take such pictures. Anything that can get out could have devastating consequences.” Mason (26, bisexual, male, Multiracial) and William (25, gay, male, White) also discussed the ease at which sexual photos can become public and explained that an MSM dating app user could extort another person by using their photos as blackmail. Participants identified unwanted sexual photos, such as unsolicited “dick pics,” as a manifestation of rape culture on MSM dating apps. Oscar (22, gay, male, White) and William (25, gay, male, White) explained it was common for people to assume that other users want to receive these photos, even without “any indication of wanting them.” Toby (20, gay, male, White) found “an unsolicited nude” problematic because “I can see that causing harm to someone who doesn't want to see it.” Some participants admitted that they had sent unsolicited dick pics to other MSM dating app users: “If I'm really horny,” said Elijah (18, gay, male, White), “sometimes I'll send one of those.” Robert (23, gay, male, White) described rape culture on MSM dating apps in terms of feeling coerced or pressured to reciprocate in sharing sexual photos, whether or not he had wanted to receive them from someone else. He explained, “you feel like you have to send a picture just because you received one. So that's part of the definition, I think, that applies to Grindr.” From Apps to In-Person Encounters Participants emphasized that rape culture extended beyond their interactions on MSM dating apps to interactions they had in person. For example, participants talked about users who did not respect personal boundaries. Michael (18, gay, male, White) said there was a user who had stalked him online and used the social media accounts connected to his dating app profile to find and contact his friends. Nicolas (62, gay, male, Multiracial) expressed concern about users taking advantage of the geo-locating function of dating apps to pinpoint where he lived. Skyler (28, queer, male, White) said he felt uncomfortable when people found him in real life and gave the example of receiving a message from someone who said they had seen him on the street: “I think they're trying to be flirty, but it's a little bit creepy.” Participants talked about feeling pressured to follow through on a proposed sexual activity when they met an MSM dating app user in person. For example, Toby (20, gay, male, White) explained that users might feel obligated to have sex because of the amount of time they spent arranging and preparing for a sexual encounter. Toby (20, gay, male, White) commented that, “there's such an expectation, like if you traveled to get here, if you douched as a bottom, if you shaved or whatever, it's [sex] very much expected.” Karam (46, gay, male, Middle Eastern) similarly spoke about feeling compelled to have sex, even if he was no longer interested in the user: “I wouldn't call that rape, but I would definitely start lumping it in.” Jadyn (32, gay, male, Black) described the situation as such: It's this weird fucked-up dynamic of when you are going through with something when you don't really want to and you're like, “I need to get this over with.” In a sense, you are consenting, because you're like, “I am going forward. No one is holding a gun to my head or whatever.” But it's a sort of social obligation gun-being-held-to-my-head and I feel like I'm doing something that I don't actually want to do. Participants also discussed feeling passive and complaisant, and experiencing situations where they agreed to engage in an unwanted sexual activity. Robert (23, gay, male, White) recounted a time when he conceded to having sex because of how badly the other person wanted it. Pierre (22, gay, male, White) said there were a few times when an MSM dating app user he was giving oral sex expected him to deep throat even though “the consent wasn't there.” Elijah (18, gay, male, White) said he had been “taken advantage of” when he was younger because he would “just roll with things” and give “a hesitant ‘yes’ not a solid ‘yes.’” Logan (18, gay, male, White) admitted that there were times he “regretted having sex with someone” even though the sexual interaction was “not bad enough for me to stop.” Joe (31, gay, male, White) had this experience: There was one man who came – and I like soft sensual sex and he liked really rough sex – and he just jammed it in there. And I thought, “I do not like that.” But instead of extricating myself from the situation, I just sat and finished and let him be on his way. And that made me uncomfortable because there was a point in the situation when I was no longer consenting, but it was still happening. And I didn't feel comfortable enough to stop it from happening. A few participants gave examples of sexual violence they had experienced from MSM dating app u

Practices of self-care and social support have long been identified across social media platforms and apps, as people find new ways of using and adapting digital technologies to mediate and address personal and public health issues. But digital health participation is considerably contested and unevenly experienced, whether through the commodified ‘platformization’ of the health sector, or in the potentially ‘unhealthy’ engagement with dominant social media platforms or dating and hookup apps. Contemporary policy frameworks for participatory, digital-enabled healthcare (e.g., NHS, 2019) assume that we all engage in health or help seeking practices online, but have no answers to associated risks of over-exposure, invasive health surveillance or experiences of discrimination and harassment online, particularly for those at the margins. In our case studies, this is pertinent for transgender, non-binary and female hookup app users, people seeking support for mental ill-health, illicit drug users participating in crypto-markets and dark web communities. In response to this scenario, this panel asks: what are the forms and capacities for collective care in the current digital ecosystem, between social media platforms and dating apps struggling to address harassment or mental wellbeing, within health service-supported online forums, and across the dark web? This panel looks at evidence and answers, as well as research practices and ethics, to understand personal and collective attempts to negotiate, manage, circumvent and otherwise find ways to reinvent cultures of care through digital platforms.

This article reflects on 14 Australian trans dating app users' accounts of feeling safer (and less safe) when using apps, as well as their experiences of sexual healthcare. We explore both app use and healthcare in the context of the interdisciplinary field of 'digital intimacies', considering the ways that digital technologies and cultures of technological use both shape and are shaped by broader professional and cultural norms relating to sexuality and gender. Drawing on Preciado's [(2013). Testo junkie: Sex, drugs and biopolitics in the pharmacopornographic era. The Feminist Press] framework of 'pharmacopornographisation', the analysis aims to contextualise participants' experiences of being 'seen' and 'known' by health professionals and other app users. Our findings indicate that both dating apps and sexual health services rely on reductive systems of sorting and categorisation that reinforce binary understandings of genders and sexualities in order to facilitate data management and information sharing practices. Yet these same sorting and filtering technologies can also help trans app users avoid harassment, form intimate connections and seek appropriate healthcare.

The three panel presenters and session chair are co-researchers in a seven-year research partnership—involving 28 educational institutions, 25 co-investigators,15 community partners, and 50+ students—that aims to address sexual violence in physical and virtual forms in university contexts across Canada and internationally. The project specifically seeks to address, dismantle and prevent sexual violence by means of multi-sector partnership solutions across the fields of education, law, policy, arts, popular culture, health care, management, news and social media. Using the methodological framework of Parallaxic Praxis (Sameshima et al., 2019), the team looks at a phenomenon from different perspectives by using varied methodological processes as well as a range of rigorous methods of encoding, decoding, and rendering data; and establishing post-qualitative possibilities for generating and mobilizing knowledge to broader audiences. The juxtaposition of renderings (constructions made from deep analysis of the phenomena such as papers, presentations, artworks, and other artefacts), when presented together, manufacture a dynamic agency between works capturing intertextualities, aporias, choruses, and a poesis that arise in the coalescence of the unassimilated, individual investigations. In this panel, an overview of the larger project and the significant milestones in the first four years specifically related to internet technologies will be provided. Drawing from multi-perspectives, the second presenter will address image-based sexual abuse and copyright in Canada, and the third will share data collected from this project in the form of excerpts from an epistolary novel. The session demonstrates how multi-modal investigations and dissemination offer possibilities for extending knowledge production.