This article traces the recent history of anti-globalization protest and suggests deeper, structural sources for political and economic resistance. Namely, the globalization of economic relations has carried with it a promotion of "negative pluralism" on the political, cultural and social levels. A new, pragmatic form of ethics is needed to recast the structural relationship between political and economic globalization in a positive direction.

In becoming sub-Saharan Africa's first independent state fifty years ago, Ghana created high expectations for radical change throughout Africa-and beyond. David E. Apter explores the long-range effects of Ghana's revolution and the puzzling questions about President Kwame Nkrumah and the Convention People's Party that linger on.

when we were both students at Antioch College. He was a 1⁄2dgety, scratchy, given-to-mumbling sort of guy, in no way prepossessing although I knew on 1⁄2rst exchange that he was no ordinary student. Not that he was given over much to casual conversation, even in that high academic moment known as the Veteran Generation, when student discussions (or better, arguments), usually about politics, were pretty much the order of the day. Cliff tended not to get involved, but if drawn in he invariably delivered some uncommon insight, often in the form of a quick retort followed by silence–a silence that some of us took as a reproach or embarrassment, as if our commentary fell short in some way. I remember in particular one heated and very undergraduate discussion over whether values were objective or relative. Cliff put an end to the conversation by saying that the only way to af1⁄2rm a value is in terms of another value. It was the kind of oracular pronouncement that could put some people off. We had a number of common bonds– for one, a miserable childhood. I was a high school dropout. Cliff grew up effectively without family–farmed out to a family in Santa Rosa who treated him badly. He discovered how bright he was more or less by chance, when he took the Navy V-12 examinations during the war and knocked the top off them. A former high school teacher suggested Antioch. It was an inspired choice: there, a good deal of learning was by doing. And there, we both got married, to women who fully shared our professional and academic lives. At 1⁄2rst he intended to major in English. He did a stint as editor of The Antiochian, the student literary journal (which had the foresight to publish a piece by fellow student Rod Serling). He then shifted to philosophy, coming under the wing of George Geiger, a convincing Deweyite who proctored Cliff intellectually and helped persuade him to go to Harvard in Social Relations.

And what is the aim of that stately and marvelous creature, tragic drama? Is it her endeavor and ambition, in your opinion, merely to gratify the spectators; or, if there be anything pleasant and charming, but evil, to struggle against uttering it, but to declaim and sing anything that is unwelcome but beneficial, whether they like it or not?Plato, The Gorgias

The role of foreign witnesses in describing exceptional historical events can contribute to the way those events unfold. Three examples serve to illustrate this: Edgar Snow, Anna Louise Strong and Agnes Smedley. At the start of the Chinese communist revolution each of these commentators offered personal testimony to and validation of what became a political myth and was elevated to the status of a state political religion with Mao the central figure. This paper discusses the differences between political religion and religion tout court. It suggests that the former is more ephemeral while the latter is more capable of self-replenishment, leading to the ritualization of the first in the exercise of state power. It also deals with the question of socialism as proto-religion and the problems posed by its disappearance.

What makes great leaders? At the beginning of the seventeenth century, Shakespeare wrote in his play Twelfth Night: ‘Some are born great, some achieve greatness, and some have greatness thrust upon them.’1 At a time of political conflict and the emergence of the absolutist state in England, Shakespeare chronicled the wars among royal families, landlords, Church officials, and foreign powers. Succession crises created a violent political life. Only those leaders who showed ruthlessness, decisiveness shrewdness, and calculation triumphed over their adversaries.’ Politics expressed the will to power.

Albert Hirschman recounts the story of the Polish rabbi who impressed a Kraków congregation with his psychic powers. One sabbath while saying prayers in the Remuh synagogue, he suddenly exclaimed: ‘The rabbi of Warsaw has just died.’ Since Warsaw is located over 150 miles to the north of Krakow, the people in the synagogue marveled at the clairvoyance of their rabbi. Yet doubts began to emerge when some Jews from Krakow visited Warsaw two weeks later and saw that the rabbi there was still alive — indeed, healthy enough to preside at the Sabbath services. On returning to Krakow, these Jews told their colleagues about their rabbi’s mistaken judgment. Although some of his detractors snickered, other faithful supporters rushed to his defense. ‘Oh yes,’ they retorted, ‘he may have been wrong about a few specific details. But what great vision our rabbi has.1

At the start of the twentieth century, women organized protest movements demanding the right to vote. The suffragettes originally hoped the suffrage would bring not only political power but higher status for women and greater economic equality with men.1 Annie Kenney, a worker in a Lancashire textile factory and one of the early leaders of the women’s suffrage movement, expected that a systemic transformation would result from women’s enfranchisement: ‘Poverty would be practically swept away; washing would be done by municipal machinery! In fact, Paradise would be there once the vote was won!’2

Uganda is A small, landlocked former British East African colony of close to fourteen million people. At Indepen dence in 1962 it was relatively prosperous, its revenue deriving mainly from coffee, cotton, tea, and other agricultural products. Like most other African countries it was highly differen tiated internally and the political problem was, from the start and in common with other African countries, to find an appropriate political framework that could contain and make use of this differ entiation in a positive way. My own association with Uganda goes back forty years; the study I did of Uganda politics, The Political Kingdom in Uganda,1 was written at a time (prior to Indepen dence) when the central constitutional issue was the relation be tween Buganda, the dominant kingdom-state, and the rest of the country. In that book I recommended a consociational solu tion. What was put in place was a conventional parliamentary system modeled after the British system, which, as in many other cases in British Africa, became the vehicle for a peaceful transition to Independence. However, Uganda was then, as now, heir to virtually every form of intense separatism and cleavage politics. So much so that, as in other African countries, the constitutional framework soon broke apart. By now, such separatist conflicts have become an old story in a variety of contexts, not all of them African countries. Uganda is a

Previous articleNext article No AccessReview EssayParsons's Politics Talcott Parsons and the Capitalist Nation-State. William Buxton David E. ApterDavid E. Apter Search for more articles by this author PDFPDF PLUS Add to favoritesDownload CitationTrack CitationsPermissionsReprints Share onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditEmail SectionsMoreDetailsFiguresReferencesCited by American Journal of Sociology Volume 93, Number 2Sep., 1987 Article DOIhttps://doi.org/10.1086/228755 Views: 2Total views on this site Copyright 1987 The University of ChicagoPDF download Crossref reports no articles citing this article.

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Institute of Development Studies BulletinVolume 1, Issue 2 p. 2-4 SIR ANDREW COHEN: AN OBITUARY David E. Apter, David E. Apter * Professor of Politics, Yale University.Search for more papers by this author David E. Apter, David E. Apter * Professor of Politics, Yale University.Search for more papers by this author First published: October 1968 https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1759-5436.1968.mp1002002.x AboutPDF ToolsRequest permissionExport citationAdd to favoritesTrack citation ShareShare Give accessShare full text accessShare full-text accessPlease review our Terms and Conditions of Use and check box below to share full-text version of article.I have read and accept the Wiley Online Library Terms and Conditions of UseShareable LinkUse the link below to share a full-text version of this article with your friends and colleagues. Learn more.Copy URL Share a linkShare onFacebookTwitterLinked InRedditWechat Volume1, Issue2October 1968Pages 2-4 RelatedInformation