In southern Bolivia, smallholder farms maintain a highly specific traditional agroforestry viticulture. In these farming systems, the various cropping and livestock activities and their interactions with viticulture were identified, the benefits of their diversity to the farm households were assessed, and the most profitable forms of diversity were identified. Surveys and participatory workshops were organized to draw up a typology of farms and evaluate their main potential and limitations. Production of grapes, vegetables, fruits and fodder, animal husbandry, and processing of wine and brandy (singani) coexisted in varying proportions. Two types of farms generated the highest gross income. Type Div (Diversified) exhibited balanced cropping and livestock activities and strong interactions among them, with the highest proportion of fertilizers provided by manure, and animal feed provided by fodder crops and crop residues. Type Proc (Processing) was the most involved in the production of wine and singani, including grapes purchased from other producers. In contrast, type HortiViti (Horticulture and Viticulture) invested more in horticulture and suffered from poor market conditions. Farmers saw the traditional character and diversity of their farming systems as an opportunity, but suffered from competition with high-input farming systems and lack of technical support.

The economic literature of nineteenth-century Latin America has been dominated by its focus on the import-export complex and by comparisons with the United States and Western Europe, discussing why Latin America did not develop like the former regions. The use of import-export data is deficient in un- derstanding economic development of the region; comparisons about what Latin America is not does not help understanding how development occurred. Instead, the essay develops new concepts such as the internal economy, as well as methodologies and categories to analyze the changes in the Latin American economy from 1830 to 1920, using as a case study the south-central Andes.

Book Review| June 26 2024 The Lettered Indian: Race, Nation, and Indigenous Education in Twentieth-Century Bolivia The Lettered Indian: Race, Nation, and Indigenous Education in Twentieth-Century Bolivia. By Brooke Larson. Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2024. Photographs. Maps. Figures. Notes. Bibliography. Index. xiv, 480 pp. Paper, $29.95. Erick D. Langer Erick D. Langer Georgetown University Search for other works by this author on: This Site Google Hispanic American Historical Review 11384698. https://doi.org/10.1215/00182168-11384698 Views Icon Views Article contents Figures & tables Video Audio Supplementary Data Peer Review Share Icon Share Facebook Twitter LinkedIn Email Tools Icon Tools Permissions Cite Icon Cite Search Site Citation Erick D. Langer; The Lettered Indian: Race, Nation, and Indigenous Education in Twentieth-Century Bolivia. Hispanic American Historical Review 2024; 11384698. doi: https://doi.org/10.1215/00182168-11384698 Download citation file: Zotero Reference Manager EasyBib Bookends Mendeley Papers EndNote RefWorks BibTex toolbar search Search Dropdown Menu toolbar search search input Search input auto suggest filter your search Books & JournalsAll JournalsHispanic American Historical Review Search Advanced Search The text of this article is only available as a PDF. Copyright © 2024 by Duke University Press2024 Article PDF first page preview Close Modal You do not currently have access to this content.

The Jesuit missions among the Guaraní Indians in Paraguay (1640s to 1767) have attracted attention for many centuries. At their peak in the early eighteenth century, the missions, numbering thirty at the time, encompassed around 140,000 people. They appeared to be virtually autonomous in their government, relying mostly on an internal economy only partially connected to the colonial economy. Owensby contributes to the study of these missions by placing them within a larger history of capitalism (which he calls “gain”). He argues that the Guaraní economy, based on what he calls “substantive mutuality,” offered an alternative to the European model’s increasing focus on mercantile endeavor and the exaltation of individual profit.Owensby dives deeply into the history of Paraguay as a Spanish colony, from its beginnings when the Guaraní accepted the Spanish as allies to aid in the defense against outside indigenous enemies. He asserts that the Guaraní understood society as the ultimate refuge against predation; the keys to a good life were exchange and reciprocation, which the Guaraní initially enjoyed with the Spanish, accepting them as brothers-in-law to their women and thus incorporating them into their society. As the sixteenth century wore on, however, the Spanish changed this relationship by seizing or demanding Guaraní women as a way to accumulate wealth. Owensby provides a culturally sensitive discussion of the interplay between Spanish exploitation of indigenous labor and the Guaraní response. The Guaraní began to bristle at the Spanish demands.By the early seventeenth century, the Jesuit missions had offered the Guaraní protection from Spanish exploitation. Owensby shows through the careful reading of philosophical texts, ranging from Aristotle and Thomas Aquinas to sixteenth-century Spanish treatises, how the Jesuit vision dovetailed with Guaraní social relations. By the early eighteenth century, the missions had reached their apogee, which Owensby characterizes as a system largely based on indigenous consent to the mutual benefit of the Spaniards and the Guaraní (“substantive mutuality”). Owensby does not provide much detail about the founding of the missions nor of their administration; his purpose is to explore the thinking that lay behind the way the missions were supposed to work.The foregoing is not meant to imply that Owensby does not discuss such crucial aspects as the lead-up to the Guaraní War, when a large part of the mission population rebelled against the king, surrendering seven of the most prosperous missions to the Portuguese as part of the Treaty of Madrid (1750). Owensby dedicates two chapters to the expulsion of the Jesuits in 1767 and its aftermath to show how new ideas of utility and the triumph of economic rationality over other aspects of rule destroyed the mission towns. Chapter 7 is an acute analysis not only of the missions but also of the late eighteenth-century reform project of the Spanish Bourbon monarchy in general.In its attempt to use the Guaraní missions to make larger points about the history of capitalism, the last chapter veers from Paraguay to a discussion of how intellectuals of the seventeenth and eighteenth century (mis)interpreted the Jesuit missions for their own ends. Owensby uses interpretations from the British Isles to reveal the disdain that most thinkers had for the missions as a counterexample to the emerging European system of commerce and individual gain.Through his exploration of the Paraguayan missions, Owensby makes the case that European notions of economic gain were not inevitable and that societies could be organized in better ways to bring about greater well-being. This book is important not only for its erudition about the Paraguayan missions but also for its understanding of the European colonial enterprise and economic thought in general.

As the Bolivian state and settler colonists advanced into the south-eastern frontier during the 19th century, the Chiriguano peoples either joined missions, were absorbed into the haciendas, migrated to Argentina, or remained autonomous. This essay examines the way in which Chiriguano communities were able to keep their land. They did so by allying themselves with local offi-cials, engaging lawyers to defend their claims, or fashioning alliances by creat-ing kinship ties with powerful landlords with the provision of chiefly daughters to them. Thus, the relations between settlers and "savages" were much more com-plex than the frontier paradigm of "civilization" versus "barbarism" suggests.

Bolivia and Paraguay fought the Chaco War (1932–35) in a frontier region that neither state fully controlled. The history of this region's multiethnic Indigenous population is a vital part of the war's story that has gained focus only in the early twenty-first century. Don't Cry is a vital contribution to this history, overturning much of what scholars thought they knew. The book does this through the testimony of the Enlhet peoples, whose ancestral territory became the main battleground between Bolivian and Paraguayan forces.Don't Cry is an indictment of the Paraguayan forces and their genocidal actions toward the Enlhet. The book also puts into question the Mennonite narrative about the Enlhet, which asserts that the Mennonites, who colonized the region, were their saviors. The work provides evidence against the emerging bibliography that established that while all Indigenous peoples in the Chaco suffered greatly in the war, the Paraguayans were more attuned to Chaco Indigenous groups. According to the literature (including some of my own work), it was the Bolivians who were more brutal toward the Chaco's Indigenous groups because their soldiers came from a different culture and saw the Chaco peoples as savages.The testimonies that the book's editors, Hannes Kalisch and Ernesto Unruh, collected among the Enlhet show the opposite. The narratives that the Enlhet informants provide show that the Paraguayan soldiers killed the Enlhet on sight, raped the women, and captured the children to keep as servants. When Indigenous families were able to approach the forts or when Paraguayan forces found villages that they did not massacre, they forced the men to work for them and sexually abused the women in front of the men. This led to a type of prostitution in which the women and girls were forced to provide sexual favors for the soldiers in return for food or trinkets. The editors argue that initially, in the 1920s, the Paraguayans behaved better, as they were still weak, but the massive mobilization of soldiers in the 1930s brought about the genocidal actions.These disasters were not the only ones visited upon the Enlhet. At the beginning of the war, in 1932–33, a devastating smallpox epidemic wiped out a majority of the Indigenous population. This brought about widespread suffering, social disorganization, hunger, and a weakened ability to countenance the war. As the editors argue, the few Enlhet who received vaccination lived close to the Paraguayan and Bolivian forts, which meant that the Enlhet groups that were most dependent survived, whereas the Enlhet groups that tried to remain independent were wiped out by the disease.The Mennonites, who began to colonize the region in 1927, also come under withering criticism. The Mennonites assert that they saved the Enlhet from extinction because they provided food and work for the Indigenous population. The book shows that this was not the case. Few Mennonites provided food for the starving and traumatized Enlhet, and they conspired with the military to take over Enlhet lands. Rather than saving the Enlhet, the Mennonites used the war and its aftermath to appropriate for themselves most Indigenous territory, marginalizing the aboriginal inhabitants on their own lands. They also transformed the territory into industrial farms that destroyed the Chaco environment on which the Indigenous peoples depended for their sustenance. By the 1950s, after a long Mennonite proselytization campaign, the Enlhet converted to Christianity en masse, thus, according to the editors, surrendering completely to the interlopers on their territory.The Bolivians, in turn, come off much better. The editors cite testimony from the Enlhet that shows that those at the Bolivian forts sprinkled throughout Enlhet country before the war generally were kinder and more considerate to the Chaco inhabitants.In addition to these novel insights, the book has a unique organization. It is divided into sections, of which the testimonies are only a small part, though they constitute the heart of the book. One of the editors, Hannes Kalisch, provides much of the analysis, and this takes up the bulk of the book. The other editor, Ernesto Unruh, an Enlhet, is the translator of the testimony from Enlhet to Spanish. The last part of the book is Kalisch's reflections on the role of the Enlhet, their conception of history, and their current predicament. He accuses historians of being incapable of fully engaging with Enlhet history. This is a bit unfair, given that he does not take into account ethnohistory and other subdisciplines that have tried hard to take into account Indigenous views.The book created an earthquake in the Paraguayan view of the Chaco War when it was first published in Paraguay in 2018. It is good that McGill-Queen's University Press has provided a well-translated English version by Nicholas Regan. This important book substantially revises our understanding of the Indigenous history of the Chaco War and its aftermath.

This essay reviews the following works:

In the south of Bolivia, a group of traditional wine growers are distinguished by the cultivation of grapevines on native trees that serve as tutors. These growers currently represent one of the few examples of agroforestry vineyards in the world. They offer an opportunity to analyze the structure and management of these cropping systems, and to identify the ecosystem services provided by the combination of grapevines that are trained on trees. We characterize 29 agroforestry vineyards located in three high valleys in southern Bolivia, describing the main farm features, the structure and management of the vineyards, and the advantages of on-tree vine staking as recorded by the farmers. Farms were small (2.2 ha on average), with about half viticulture and half other crops and forage. The workforce was about half family and half employees. The most commonly used tree species were the molle tree (Schinus molle) and chañar tree (Geoffroea decorticans), and the majority of grape varieties grown were landraces such as “Negra criolla” and “Vicchoqueña.” The main cultivation techniques were pruning of the trees and vines, application of manure more than mineral fertilizers, gravity irrigation, and application of few pesticides. The main services farmers expected from trees were protection against climate hazards and flooding, disease control, maintenance of soil fertility, and higher yields. Agroforestry is a promising option for the agroecological transition of viticulture, which deserves further studies at both plot and farm scales.

Journal Article Keila Grinberg. A Black Jurist in a Slave Society: Antonio Pereira Rebouças and the Trials of Brazilian Citizenship. Get access Keila Grinberg. A Black Jurist in a Slave ­Society: Antonio Pereira Rebouças and the Trials of ­Brazilian ­Citizenship. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2019. Pp. xxii, 201. Cloth $90.00, paper $29.95. Judy Bieber Judy Bieber University of New Mexico Email: jbieber@unm.edu Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Academic Google Scholar The American Historical Review, Volume 127, Issue 1, March 2022, Pages 526–528, https://doi.org/10.1093/ahr/rhab560 Published: 26 April 2022

Este ensayo argumenta que el contrabando, especialmente de la plata, fue un factor decisivo en el desarrollo económico de los Andes meridionales en el siglo XIX.Enfocando en la información dejada por el contrabandista más grande de la región, Gregorio Pacheco (entonces un comerciante y posteriormente presidente de Bolivia), se puede entrever los hilos de las actividades económicas que fomentaba el contrabando de la plata.Llevó a un tipo de desarrollo que se esparcía entre muchos sectores de la población, incluso la indígena.Demuestra la importancia del contrabando en la actividad económica de la época.Palabras claves:

Diplomatic relations between Bolivia and the United States have been difficult since Evo Morales became president in 2006. Despite these poor relations and even despite the abrogation of the ATPDEA (Andean Trade Promotion and Drug Eradication Act) in 2008, commerce between Bolivia and the United States has increased more than during governments allied with the United States. These conclusions show that the state of diplomatic relations are not necessarily indicative of the intensity of trade between countries.