We report an assessment of the ability of the Locally-Adaptive Model of Archaeological Potential (LAMAP) to estimate archaeological potential in relation to hunter-gatherer sites. The sample comprised 182 known sites in the Tanana Valley, Alaska, which was occupied solely by hunter-gatherers for about 14,500 years. To estimate archaeological potential, we employed physiographic variables such as elevation and slope, rather than variables that are known to vary on short time scales, like vegetation cover. Two tests of LAMAP were carried out. In the first, we used the location of a random selection of 90 sites from all time periods to create a LAMAP model. We then evaluated the model with the remaining 92 sites. In the second test, we built a LAMAP model from 12 sites that pre-date 10,000 cal BP. This model was then tested with sites that post-date 10,000 cal BP. In both analyses, areas predicted to have higher archaeological potential contained higher frequencies of validation sites. The performance of LAMAP in the two tests was comparable to its performance in previous tests using archaeological sites occupied by agricultural societies. Thus, the study extends the use of LAMAP to the task of estimating archaeological potential of landscapes in relation to hunter-gatherer sites.

Ancient DNA was extracted from 12 500 to 10 500 year old ground squirrel bones from Tse'K'wa, an archaeological site in the Peace River region of northeastern British Columbia, Canada. Analysis of mitochondrial DNA from seven individuals demonstrates that all are Urocitellus richardsonii (Richardson's ground squirrel), a species not found in the region today. Phylogenetic and sequence analyses indicate these individuals share a previously undocumented mitochondrial control region haplotype that is most closely related to haplotypes observed in modern specimens from Saskatchewan and Montana. At the end of the Pleistocene these ground squirrels extended their range north and west into open vegetation communities that developed when ice sheets melted and glacial lakes drained. They were subsequently extirpated from the Peace River region when forests replaced earlier pioneering vegetation communities.

Environmentally transformative human use of land accelerated with the emergence of agriculture, but the extent, trajectory, and implications of these early changes are not well understood. An empirical global assessment of land use from 10,000 years before the present (yr B.P.) to 1850 CE reveals a planet largely transformed by hunter-gatherers, farmers, and pastoralists by 3000 years ago, considerably earlier than the dates in the land-use reconstructions commonly used by Earth scientists. Synthesis of knowledge contributed by more than 250 archaeologists highlighted gaps in archaeological expertise and data quality, which peaked for 2000 yr B.P. and in traditionally studied and wealthier regions. Archaeological reconstruction of global land-use history illuminates the deep roots of Earth's transformation and challenges the emerging Anthropocene paradigm that large-scale anthropogenic global environmental change is mostly a recent phenomenon.

The Albert Porter Pueblo great house, located in the central Mesa Verde region, was surrounded by numerous residential structures during the Pueblo II and Pueblo III periods. Using a variety of exploitation measures of wild game and turkeys, we test three hypotheses to see if there are meaningful similarities or differences in the faunal assemblages from the great house and the domestic households that surrounded it. Although the great house was a unique and prominent architectural feature at Albert Porter Pueblo, the faunas from the great house are generally similar to those from surrounding structures. However, there is some evidence that more meat of cottontails and turkeys was consumed in the great house compared to domestic structures during Pueblo III. Overall, all members from Albert Porter had equal access to animal food and those used in rituals and ceremonies. We explore different interpretations of social organization suggested by faunal remains.

Previous articleNext article No AccessBook ReviewsPeople with Animals: Perspectives & Studies in Ethnozooarchaeology. Lee G. Broderick, ed. Oxford, UK: Oxbow Books, 2016, 156 pp. £38.00, paper. ISBN 978-1785702471.Jonathan C. DriverJonathan C. DriverSimon Fraser University Search for more articles by this author Simon Fraser UniversityPDFPDF PLUSFull Text Add to favoritesDownload CitationTrack CitationsPermissionsReprints Share onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditEmail SectionsMoreDetailsFiguresReferencesCited by Journal of Anthropological Research Volume 73, Number 2Summer 2017 Article DOIhttps://doi.org/10.1086/691731 Views: 35Total views on this site © 2017 by The University of New Mexico. All rights reserved.PDF download Crossref reports no articles citing this article.

The Ice Free Corridor has been invoked as a route for Pleistocene human and animal dispersals between eastern Beringia and more southerly areas of North America. Despite the significance of the corridor, there are limited data for when and how this corridor was used. Hypothetical uses of the corridor include: the first expansion of humans from Beringia into the Americas, northward postglacial expansions of fluted point technologies into Beringia, and continued use of the corridor as a contact route between the north and south. Here, we use radiocarbon dates and ancient mitochondrial DNA from late Pleistocene bison fossils to determine the chronology for when the corridor was open and viable for biotic dispersals. The corridor was closed after ∼23,000 until 13,400 calendar years ago (cal y BP), after which we find the first evidence, to our knowledge, that bison used this route to disperse from the south, and by 13,000 y from the north. Our chronology supports a habitable and traversable corridor by at least 13,000 cal y BP, just before the first appearance of Clovis technology in interior North America, and indicates that the corridor would not have been available for significantly earlier southward human dispersal. Following the opening of the corridor, multiple dispersals of human groups between Beringia and interior North America may have continued throughout the latest Pleistocene and early Holocene. Our results highlight the utility of phylogeographic analyses to test hypotheses about paleoecological history and the viability of dispersal routes over time.

Numerous studies in the US Southwest suggest that prehistoric artiodactyl populations in areas of dense human settlement experienced population reductions which substantially reduced their availability to human hunters. Although most assemblages from villages in this region are dominated by lagomorphs, some settlements maintained greater access to artiodactyls. Factors influencing this variability include both local settlement history and settlement location relative to productive source areas for large game. In our study areas, source–sink dynamics likely contributed to the long-term resilience of hunted artiodactyl populations and allowed villagers continued access to animals moving in from source areas despite relatively rapid game depletion in heavily hunted areas immediately around villages.

Bison kill sites on the North American Plains are well-studied archaeological examples of human communal hunting and mass killing of large ungulates. Assemblages of bison bones from these sites are dominated by the remains of prime adults, and younger animals are not as well represented as expected. We propose that predation by large carnivores preferentially removed calves and yearlings from some herds prior to the preferred seasons for communal hunts in the fall and winter, and that human hunters may have targeted herds depleted in this way. Some general models of human predation suggest that prime-dominated assemblages of large mammals are a unique human signature, caused by the ability of humans to target prime-aged prey, and thus exploit a niche that was under-used by non-human carnivores. Because mass kills of bison are also dominated by prime-aged animals, we propose that a prime-dominated mortality pattern need not be the result of targeted predation, and could equally well reflect the emergence of complex human behaviours required to conduct a mass kill. (C) 2013 Elsevier Ltd and INQUA. All rights reserved.