University students (n = 758) from Bulgaria, Estonia, Finland, and Portugal were given a list of morally relevant behaviors (MRB), the Schwartz Value Survey (PVQ40) and Tangney’s TOSCA, measuring empathic guilt, guilt over norm-breaking, and shame. A factor analysis of MRB yielded 4 dimensions: prosocial behaviors, interpersonal transgressions, antisocial behaviors and secret transgressions. Prosocial behaviors were predicted by self-transcendence–self-enhancement (SET) value contrast only while the three transgression categories were associated with both SET and openness to change–conservation (hedonism–conformity) contrast. Norm-breaking guilt was more strongly associated with behaviors than were empathic guilt and shame. However, shame was (positively) associated with secret transgressions in three countries, after controlling for values. The associations were strongest in Bulgaria and Estonia while fewer associations were found in Finland and Portugal. The implications of the findings for the cross-cultural psychology of morality are discussed.

Undoubtedly, nowadays the number of patients suffering from benign or malignant tumors is increasing. Particularly affected is the female population with ovarian cancer, carcinomas of the uterine body and non-inflammatory diseases of the ovary, the oviduct and the broad ligament and other benign conditions. Carcinoma is one of the most common causes of mortality in our country, as well as in the Balkans. In our country malignant tumors occupy third place in terms of total patients treated, after diseases of the respiratory and circulatory system. Due to the rapid increase in the number of patients with the following diagnoses: ovarian carcinoma, uterine carcinoma, non-inflammatory ovarian disease, oviduct, broad ligament and other benign conditions, their timely diagnosis is of great importance for the possibility of their treatment and reducing the percentage of mortality. When setting the diagnosis, tumor markers have an important role, whose elevated blood concentrations indicate changes of benign or malignant origin. Tumor markers are substances (proteins, enzymes, hormones, etc.) secreted in the body as a consequence of its response in the presence of a benign or malignant change. Their measurement and identification is useful for establishing the diagnosis, as well as for monitoring the course of the disease and the success of the therapy. Tumor markers are usually determined in blood, urine or tissue samples using specific, immunochemical laboratory methods. In the medical practice, about 30 different tumor markers are used, but in the diseases that are subject of our research commonly are used the following: CA 125, CA 72-4 and CA 19-9. Besides these tumor markers, as a new tumor marker, in this research project is mentioned HE4 (human epididymis protein 4). HE4 in combination with CA 125 assists in determining the type of tumor mass (benign or malignant), through algorithm for estimating the risk of ovarian cancer (Risk of Ovarian Malignancy Algorithm - ROMA). The goals of this paper are: regular control of healthy women and women who have an increased risk of developing carcinoma (family history), diagnosing carcinomas, estimating the prognosis of the disease (prognostic factor), and monitoring the course of the disease and the success of applied therapy (postoperatively) by determining the concentration of tumor markers CA 125, CA 72-4 and CA 19-9 in blood serum, in combination with other examinations (echo, swab, PAP test, Power color doppler, etc.). For the realization of these goals as a method of work, the concentrations of tumor markers CA 125 and CA 19-9 in blood serum were determined using the apparatus - Immulite 2000 which works on the principle of chemiluminescent method, as well as the determination of the concentration of tumor marker CA 72-4 in blood serum using an ELISA (enzyme linked immunosorbent assay) method. On the basis of the results obtained, we came to the conclusion that the concentrations of tumor markers CA 125, CA 72-4 and CA 19-9 in the blood serum increase in the occurrence of ovarian carcinoma, uterine carcinoma, non-inflammatory ovarian disease, the oviduct and broad ligament and other benign conditions, and that they are reduced postoperatively and with applied therapy, with the exception of patients who have metastases also on other parts of the body, where their concentrations are still rising or remain unchanged. Due to the outcome of these types of diseases, regular controls are recommended for the female population.

Although democracies should ideally elect leaders based on their abilities, voters are often biased by seemingly unrelated factors, such as a candidate's appearance. Prior work examining the relations between election outcomes and appearance has primarily focused on a restricted range of the top candidates, examined in pairwise comparisons. In the present study, we tested whether the predictive ability of ratings based on facial appearance would extend to a wider range of candidates. Specifically, we examined whether individuals in the US could predict outcomes in the 2011 Bulgarian presidential elections by evaluating the facial appearance of 18 candidates. The large number of candidates naturally running for the high level office allowed us to accurately test the strength of the relationship between judgments of facial appearance and election outcomes across a broad range of faces. We found that a strong correlation between ratings of facial competence and election outcomes persisted across the full range of candidates, and that US participants' hypothetical choices paralleled actual Bulgarian election outcomes. We demonstrated that competence ratings were more effective at predicting election outcomes than judgments on a variety of other characteristics deemed important by Bulgarian voters as well as ratings of attractiveness. Furthermore, judgments of competence largely drove the correlation between hypothetical and actual votes.

This article explores the factors that influence the volume and structure of science programming by European television broadcasters, focussing on differences among channel patterns. It proposes three factors as relevant to understanding differences in science programming: A) the segmentation/fragmentation of television markets; B) the presence of middle sized commercial channels; C) the dependency of public service TV channels on commercial income (trading/advertising). We identified countries whose channel patterns encourage a varied picture of science – namely Sweden, Finland and Germany. They are distinguished from those which show a less differentiated picture and present a smaller volume of science content on television – such as Great Britain and Ireland. Finally, we identified countries whose channel patterns don’t encourage a varied picture of science – namely Spain, Greece, Bulgaria and Estonia – and these countries present their small volume of science content at off-peak hours, in contrast to patterns in Great Britain and Ireland.

The stereotype content model (SCM) proposes potentially universal principles of societal stereotypes and their relation to social structure. Here, the SCM reveals theoretically grounded, cross-cultural, cross-groups similarities and one difference across 10 non-US nations. Seven European (individualist) and three East Asian (collectivist) nations (N=1,028) support three hypothesized cross-cultural similarities: (a) perceived warmth and competence reliably differentiate societal group stereotypes; (b) many out-groups receive ambivalent stereotypes (high on one dimension; low on the other); and (c) high status groups stereotypically are competent, whereas competitive groups stereotypically lack warmth. Data uncover one consequential cross-cultural difference: (d) the more collectivist cultures do not locate reference groups (in-groups and societal prototype groups) in the most positive cluster (high-competence/high-warmth), unlike individualist cultures. This demonstrates out-group derogation without obvious reference-group favouritism. The SCM can serve as a pancultural tool for predicting group stereotypes from structural relations with other groups in society, and comparing across societies.

One possible way of solving the problem with the cross-cultural validity of the indicators of public understanding of science is analysis of the latent structure of sets of statements used in previous surveys. The factor analysis of eighteen statements from Eurobarometer 224 (2005) reveals three stable replicable latent dimensions—Evaluation, Efficacy and Control. The Efficacy dimension was replicated in the data of thirty-four countries participating in the survey. This dimension was not replicated only in Northern Ireland. The Control dimension was not replicated only in East Germany, Turkey and Norway. It is shown that the Evaluation and Efficacy dimension correlate and form new second-order dimension ‘Science is for others’ vs ‘Science is for us’.

The stereotype content model (SCM) proposes potentially universal principles of societal stereotypes and their relation to social structure. Here, the SCM reveals theoretically grounded, cross-cultural, cross-groups similarities and one difference across 10 non-US nations. Seven European (individualist) and three East Asian (collectivist) nations ( N =1,028) support three hypothesized cross-cultural similarities: (a) perceived warmth and competence reliably differentiate societal group stereotypes; (b) many out-groups receive ambivalent stereotypes (high on one dimension; low on the other); and (c) high status groups stereotypically are competent, whereas competitive groups stereotypically lack warmth. Data uncover one consequential cross-cultural difference: (d) the more collectivist cultures do not locate reference groups (in-groups and societal prototype groups) in the most positive cluster (high-competence/high-warmth), unlike individualist cultures. This demonstrates out-group derogation without obvious reference-group favouritism. The SCM can serve as a pancultural tool for predicting group stereotypes from structural relations with other groups in society, and comparing across societies.

This paper compares changing patterns of science news over a period of 50 years. The study analyses a biannual corpus of 2800 news articles in Britain (the Daily Telegraph) and 5800 in Bulgaria (Rabotnichesko Delo), and shows divergent and convergent trends. Britain carries considerably more science news than Bulgaria all through the period, while the coverage shows parallel swings: increasing intensity during the 1950s, a turning point in the early 1960s, declining into the 1970s, and rising again in the 1980s and 1990s. Media coverage in both countries shows similar swings in public appeal. The trends in the medicalization of science news, the reporting of controversy and the evaluation of science diverge in the two contexts. The paper concludes with speculative explanations of these results. Similarities and differences in these long-term trends point to common factors and specific differences at work on either side of the (former) 'Iron Curtain'.

More than three decades ago, Robert Hutchins published his visionary book, The Learning Society. “In the 21st century,” wrote Hutchins, “education can at last be come what it is in itself... The learning society will not only offer opportunities for developing every one’s education through all stages of one’s life but will also succeed to transform its values in such a way that learning, self‐regulation, humane behaviour will be come its goals and all in stitutions will be oriented towards them” (Hutchins, 1968: 134). If, in the year of publication, these ideas were accepted as scientific foresight, today, they describe the reality in the advanced western democratic societies. The concept of continuing education is defined as “one of the key ideas of the 21st century” and the very education throughout life, as “a key to the 21st century” (Delore, 1997: 20, 97). Today, education ceases to be viewed only as preparation for life, as its so‐to‐say foyer with clearly outlined boundaries. It is turning into a permanent companion of the individual, not only a part of one’s life but also a specific form, a way of life.

Research on the public understanding of science has measured knowledge as acquaintance with scientific facts and methods and attitudes as evaluations of societal consequences of science and technology. The authors propose alternative concepts and measures: knowledge of the workings of scientific institutions and attitudes to the nature of science. The viability, reliability, and validity of the new measures are demonstrated on British and Bulgarian data. The instrument consists of twenty items and takes ten to fifteen minutes to apply. Differences in the representation of science are reported between the British and Bulgarian young elite, between the elite and the public in Bulgaria, between natural and social science students, and between beginners and advanced students in Britain. The use of these measures will extend the scope of science indicator measures used by the European Commission and the National Science Foundation, help the assessment of the socialization in university training, and may even contribute to the peace process in the “science wars.”

Studies in individualism/collectivism (Triandis, McCusker & Hui, 1990) have revealed a considerable cultural connotation of the phenomena. The aim of our investigation war; to develop a cross-culturally equivalent psychometric instrument for measuring individualistic versus collectivistic orientation on the basis of the shared representation of individualism/collectivism among Bulgarians. By applying the psychosemantic methodology we extracted seven concepts which form the individualism/collectivism dimension. The proposed instrument, labelled Bulgarian individualism/collectivism (BIC) scale, consists of a preference choice between the two words in every possible pair of the seven words. Validation studies included investigation of the relationship between the BIC scale and value orientation, between the BIC scale and general views of society and political preferences, and between the BIC scale and behavioural intentions such as the intention to start a business of one's own, the intention to emigrate, and the choice of professional vocation. Results were compared with the relationship of these variables to other measures of individualism/collectivism (scales of Triandis and Brown). The results suggest that the BIC scale reveals a more global orientation, whereas the other scales are concerned with specific everyday behaviours. A comparison between Bulgarian and American samples revealed some specificity in the Bulgarian social representation of individualism/collectivism, which can be explained by the extremely collectivistic norms of the former communist society in Bulgaria.

The voting intentions of Bulgarians as a function of their attitudes toward political formations and the impact of the social environment were studied on the basis of a representative sampling survey Rosenberg's (1956, 1960) theoretical model of attitude was adopted, Social influence was investigated by means of Ajzen and Fishbein's (1973, 1980) concept of the subjective norm. The relative strength of the impact of the two factors, attitude and social influence, on voting intentions was obtained by means of stepwise regression analysis, As expected, attitude was the more powerful determinant of intention. The results revealed significant differences between the followers of the two main political formations (the Bulgarian Socialist Party, the former Communists, and the Union of Democratic Forces, an anti-Communist coalition) with regard both to the way they perceived the political situation at the time and to the motivation for their voting intentions.