Swiss Political Science ReviewEarly View Book Review Bildungsstandardisierung im politisch-administrativen Kontext. Eine Analyse des Diskurses auf internationaler Ebene und in der Schweiz seit Ende der 1980er Jahre , Ender, Susanne , Zürich, Chronos Verlag (2021), 295 p., ISBN 978-3-0340-1615-5 Raphaela Schlicht-Schmälzle, Corresponding Author Raphaela Schlicht-Schmälzle schlicht.schmaelzle@hsfk.de Leibniz Institut Hessische Stiftung Friedens- und KonfliktforschungSearch for more papers by this author Raphaela Schlicht-Schmälzle, Corresponding Author Raphaela Schlicht-Schmälzle schlicht.schmaelzle@hsfk.de Leibniz Institut Hessische Stiftung Friedens- und KonfliktforschungSearch for more papers by this author First published: 08 February 2022 https://doi.org/10.1111/spsr.12505Read the full textAboutPDF ToolsRequest permissionExport citationAdd to favoritesTrack citation ShareShare Give accessShare full text accessShare full-text accessPlease review our Terms and Conditions of Use and check box below to share full-text version of article.I have read and accept the Wiley Online Library Terms and Conditions of UseShareable LinkUse the link below to share a full-text version of this article with your friends and colleagues. Learn more.Copy URL Share a linkShare onFacebookTwitterLinked InRedditWechat No abstract is available for this article. Early ViewOnline Version of Record before inclusion in an issue RelatedInformation

How are evaluative reactions pertaining post-national citizenship identities interrelated and what are the potential mechanisms how post-national identities evolve? Previous efforts to operationalize and measure post-national citizenship identities leave it open how people’s stances on different issues are related and suffer from a variety of theoretical and methodological shortcomings regarding the nature of political attitudes and ideologies. A recently proposed approach conceptualizes ideologies as networks of causally connected evaluative reactions to individual issues. Individual evaluative reactions form the nodes in a network model, and these nodes can influence each other via linked edges, thereby giving rise to a dynamic thoughts system of networked political and identity-related views. To examine this system at large, we apply network analysis to data from the European Values Study. Specifically, we investigate 33 evaluative reactions regarding national and supra-national identity, diversity, global empathy, global environmentalism, immigration, and supra-national politics. The results reveal a strongly connected network of citizenship identity-related attitudes. A community analysis reveals larger clusters of strongly related evaluative reactions, which are connected via bridges and hub nodes. Centrality analysis identifies evaluative reactions that are strategically positioned in the network, and network simulations indicate that persuasion attempts targeted at such nodes have greater potential to influence the larger citizenship identity than changes of more peripheral attitude nodes. We lastly show that socio-demographic characteristics are not only associated with the overall level of post-national citizenship, but also with the network structure, suggesting that these structural differences can affect the network function as people develop national or post-national citizenship identities, or respond to external events. These results provide new insights into the structure of post-national identities and the mechanism how post-national identities might evolve. We end with a discussion of future opportunities to study networked attitudes in the context of civic and citizenship education.

This article explores the variation of vocational education and training systems in European countries. From a survey of experts in 15 European countries, we develop a typology along two dimensions: employer involvement and public commitment. In a second step, we explain the variety of skill formation systems, highlighting the importance of partisan power and economic coordination. The causal argument is applied in three illustrative case studies of Germany, Sweden and the UK. In particular, we argue that a high degree of economic coordination increases the relevance of training relative to academic education. However, differences within the cluster of coordinated market economies are related to different legacies of partisan power in the post-war decades.

This paper analyses how macro-societal conditions determine educational inequality between migrants and natives in the Western EU member states. The education system, with its ability to integrate young immigrants, is often seen as the foundation for successful integration in later curricular stages. By means of linear hierarchical models, this paper demonstrates that EU standards of good practice in integration policy are ineffective in producing equal educational opportunities for immigrant pupils. Educational inequality between migrants and natives is mainly a result of the political-institutional settings. The paper thus rejects the widely held belief that consensus democracies are in fact kinder and gentler. By contrast, the analyses reveal that majoritarian democracies are more effective in equalising educational opportunities between immigrants and natives.

Equality of education is often seen as the fundament of the overall equality of opportunity in modern societies. However, no reliable and comprehensive cross-national comparison of educational inequality hitherto exists. The aim of the present paper is to provide a cross-national comparative outline of diverse dimensions of educational inequality in the OECD world. We estimate the effects of three highly influential aspects of socioeconomic background on educational achievement in each OECD country in order to create a ranking of educational inequality in 30 capitalist countries. The central finding is that we indeed cannot identify a single cross-national ranking but three dimensions of education inequality: educational inequality based on economic, educational, and migration background at home. Capitalist economies thus do not only differ with regard to the degree of inequality but, first and foremost concerning the predominant patterns of inequality and the main distributive keys.

The central goal of this paper is to examine the effectiveness of education policy in the German federal states with regard to two central educational outcomes: educational efficiency and equality. Applying a two-stage multi-level analysis, the degrees of efficiency and equality in the German Lander are estimated before the effects of sub-national education policy on these two outcomes are evaluated. A primary finding of the paper is that there is no "efficiency-versus-equality trade-off" in Germany's school education. By contrast, both outcomes are interdependent. Furthermore, education policy has very different impacts on efficiency and equality: Equality of education is mainly determined by early childhood education. Efficiency, however, is affected by the strict tripartite tracking system.

Die zentrale These dieser Arbeit ist, dass das Ausmaß an sozialer Bildungsungleichheit in den deutschen Bundesländern durch die Komposition der Bildungspolitik in den deutschen Bundesländern beeinflusst wird. Während dem Explanandum – soziale Bildungsungleichheit in deutschen Bundesländern – bereits Kapitel 4 gewidmet wurde, steht in diesem Kapitel das Explanans – die bildungspolitische Ausgestaltung der Bundesländer – im Mittelpunkt. Im ersten Abschnitt 5.1 wird das Konzept der Bildungspolitik und ihre Bedeutung für den Wohlfahrtssaat erläutert. Es folgt eine Einführung in die historischen Grundlagen der Bildungspolitik in Deutschland. Abschnitt 5.2 liefert die Beschreibung und Messung der relevanten bildungspolitischen Variablen im Vergleich der Bundesländer: das frühkindliche Bildungswesen, die Ganztagsschule, die durchschnittliche Klassengröße, die Bildungsausgaben, die Gliederung in der Sekundarstufe I und die Stärke des Privatschulsektors.

This article analyses from a cross-national comparative perspective how deregulation of compulsory education affects two central educational outcomes: efficiency and equality. The conflict between public regulation on the one hand and the market model on the other hand describes one of the most fundamental political struggles. In several fields of societal life, such as compulsory education, the state traditionally holds a strong monopoly in almost all capitalist societies. However, using three waves of PISA school level data we show that the degree of public regulation varies cross-nationally. The central finding of our analyses is that deregulation of education increases educational achievement of individual students across all social classes and thereby fosters the educational efficiency of the national education systems. Nevertheless, it also becomes evident that higher social classes benefit more strongly from deregulation, which increases the degree of educational inequality. These results indeed confirm that deregulation of education provokes an efficiency-versus-equality trade-off in national education systems.

Since the publication of the OECD’s Programme for International Student Assessment (PISA), scholarly interest in analysing the effectiveness and performance of education policy has risen again. The present article follows this path and presents the first empirical evaluation of the influence of national education policies on educational inequality in the European Union member states. We examine whether the availability of preschool education, an all-day school tradition, tracking during secondary education, a large private school sector, average class size and education expenditures moderate the relationship between individual social background and educational success. As a main finding, our multi-level analyses show that education policy affects educational inequality very differently, an outcome that is most visible when comparing West European and post-communist countries.

This article applies Fuzzy Set Qualitative Comparative Analysis to examine how sub-national education systems affect the extent of social inequality in education within the German federal states. Variations in educational outcomes between the federal states can be primarily attributed to the strict educational decentralization in Germany. We examine four conditions of regional education systems presumed to be relevant for the extent of social inequality in education: the availability of early childhood education, the development of all-day schools, the onset of tracking to different school types, and the degree of tripartition in secondary education. Altogether, we find systematic relationships between the variation of sub-national education systems and the extent of social inequality in education. The results indicate that well-developed early childhood education is necessary for a low degree of educational inequality. However, educational inequality is not directly related to partisan and socioeconomic determinants.

Abstract Acentral tenet of Globalisation Theory is the convergence,of national,public policies and its outcomes within the EU as a prototype of a supranational organization. In contrast, we persistently observe highly varying living conditions within the EU. Accordingly, we demonstrate,that social inequality of education shows,a strong variation between,the EU member,states. The core postulation of this study is that the unequal degrees of educational inequality are determined,by persistent nation specific education policies. The aim of our investigation is to examine whether country specific education policy conditions moderate the relationship between,the individual social background,and educational success. To reveal these cross-level interactions we apply,multilevel analysis. Our main result is that the macro political determinants,of social inequality of education systematically differ between,the western EU countries and the former communist,states. In accordance with our hypotheses we find significant effects of the development,of all-day schools in the western EU and of the private school tradition in the eastern member states. Moreover, in the eastern part of the EU high preschool enrolment rates increase social inequality of education,rather than equalizing