Indigenous lands have been turned into homes and sources of capital accumulation in western settler cities. Land has been subjugated into property. Indigenous urbanism creates spaces that are invited by settlers, in some cases, and in others, they are invented by Indigenous peoples and seen as threatening to settler colonial socio-spatiality. Our commentary argues that the settler colonial state has an obligation to use its capitalist tools to return land, and its proceeds, to Indigenous nations, and to better manage the co-existing systems of Indigenous and settler land use. We do this with the help of examples from urban areas across Canada. Economic reparations will depend on reversing some of the extraordinary intergenerational transfer of wealth to settlers from Indigenous lands turned private property. (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic).(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic).(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic).(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic).(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic).(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic).

Resolving urban land claims is an important facet of enacting sovereignty in cities and is occurring in the cities of settler states like Canada, Australia, and New Zealand. The creation of urban reserves is an important means by which First Nations in Canadian cities, especially on the Prairies, are settling outstanding land claims. Findings from interviews with key informants on the urban reserve creation process in Saskatchewan, Canada’s two largest cities, shows urban reserves as liminal spaces in dynamic tension between self-determination, jurisdiction, economic development, and colonial processes of property stipulation, government relations, and approval. This policy area can be enhanced at each stage of the process and offers a pathway toward active treaty relationships in cities.

Resolving urban land claims is an important facet of enacting sovereignty in cities and is occurring in the cities of settler states like Canada, Australia, and New Zealand. The creation of urban reserves is an important means by which First Nations in Canadian cities, especially on the Prairies, are settling outstanding land claims. Findings from interviews with key informants on the urban reserve creation process in Saskatchewan, Canada’s two largest cities, shows urban reserves as liminal spaces in dynamic tension between self-determination, jurisdiction, economic development, and colonial processes of property stipulation, government relations, and approval. This policy area can be enhanced at each stage of the process and offers a pathway toward active treaty relationships in cities.

De-centralization has depleted the vitality of mid-size city downtowns for years. Growing the downtown residential population will help achieve smart growth and strategic infill objectives. Demand for a downtown residential lifestyle can animate many facets of revitalization (e.g., economic, social, cultural, public space). Resident views on factors that they believe would grow the demand for living downtown is the focus of this article. A survey and focus groups were used to learn how to enhance Downtown Saskatoon as a place to live. Findings indicate a convenient lifestyle close to work, school, retail, services, and nightlife, and preferably housing within a couple of blocks of the river valley, make Downtown Saskatoon desirable. Concerns with safety, lack of food stores, and absence of a sense of shared purpose among residents, businesses, and institutions downtown are barriers. The residential context is potentially quite appealing downtown, and demand can be cultivated if downtown's efforts at revitalization are choreographed by a collaborative multi-sectoral network of actors with strong leadership. La d & eacute;centralisation des activit & eacute;s urbaines affecte la vitalit & eacute; des centres-villes depuis des ann & eacute;es, en particulier dans les villes moyennes. Pourtant, l'augmentation de la population dans les centres-villes permet d'atteindre les objectifs d'urbanisme durable et de requalification des espaces vacants. En effet, la demande envers un mode de vie urbain peut animer de nombreuses facettes des centres-villes (& eacute;conomique, sociale, culturelle, espace public, etc.) et contribuer & agrave; leur revitalisation. Notre objectif est de conna & icirc;tre l'opinion des r & eacute;sidents sur les facteurs qui, selon eux, augmenteraient l'int & eacute;r & ecirc;t pour vivre en centre-ville. Un sondage et des groupes de discussion ont & eacute;t & eacute; utilis & eacute;s pour d & eacute;terminer comment am & eacute;liorer le centre-ville de Saskatoon en tant que milieu de vie. Les r & eacute;sultats indiquent que les possibilit & eacute;s d'un mode de vie plus simple, & agrave; proximit & eacute; du travail, de l'& eacute;cole, des commerces, des services et de la vie nocturne, et de pr & eacute;f & eacute;rence un logement & agrave; quelques rues de la vall & eacute;e de la rivi & egrave;re, rendent le centre-ville de Saskatoon attractif. Toutefois, les pr & eacute;occupations concernant la s & eacute;curit & eacute;, le manque de magasins d'alimentation et l'absence de vision commune entre les r & eacute;sidents, les entreprises et les institutions constituent des obstacles au d & eacute;veloppement. Au final, l'activit & eacute; r & eacute;sidentielle pr & eacute;sente un fort potentiel au centre-ville et la demande peut & ecirc;tre stimul & eacute;e par une d & eacute;marche de revitalisation orchestr & eacute;e par un r & eacute;seau multisectoriel d'acteurs dot & eacute;s d'un leadership fort. image Many mid-size city downtowns are not inviting to residents. Those interested in downtown living like its convenience, vitality, and walkability. New housing within blocks of the river would be popular.

Through a case study of the city of Winnipeg, this paper examines perspectives on Indigeneity and ethnocultural diversity in the context of planning for reconciliation at the scale of a city as inhabited by both Indigenous and racialized communities. The authors reveal a separation between Indigeneity and immigration discourses in academic literature and in planning practice and problematize the processes by which cities plan for diversity. This paper draws from 42 semi-structured interviews conducted with Indigenous and racialized inhabitants, organizational officials, and planners in Winnipeg to reveal that amid the absence of strong municipal planning and programming, intercultural understanding between Indigenous and immigrant inhabitants has developed in the city, and that planners can do more to help to sustain and enhance it. The authors conclude that by increasing the level of literacy and competency in ethnocultural diversity and in Indigeneity, and by focusing on processes of planning, planners and municipal officials can play a more constructive role in enhancing intercultural relations and advancing reconciliation in Winnipeg and other Canadian cities.

This chapter discusses the aging demographic in Saskatoon, Saskatchewan, and across Canada that is changing the way communities function. It examines the intersection of age and diversity that compound the daily experience of aging, which subject older adults to a 'double jeopardy' in accessing important spaces, services, and opportunities for health and wellbeing. It also mentions age-friendly community development, popularized by the World Health Organization's Age-Friendly Cities Guide, which encompasses an approach to the physical, social, and political fabric of cities and includes a careful consideration of older-adult lived experience. The chapter highlights the age-friendly development theory, which considers the social capital as a foundational component to healthy and sustainable aging infrastructure. It analyzes the experiences of two of the most at-risk or isolated communities among the overall older adult population in Saskatoon: the members of the LGBTQ community, and those experiencing physical or cognitive frailty.

This article uses findings from qualitative interviews to examine the experiences of members of Saskatoon's Chinese-Canadian older-adult community in terms of their realities of aging and access to important geriatric resources. Promoting an understanding of both group experience and a broader conceptualization of age-friendly development, we argue that the notion and implications of a spatial ethnic enclave are replaced in the Saskatoon context by a social enclave. This network of social support is evident in Chinese-Canadian older adults' access to housing, recreation, transportation, and health services. The article concludes with lessons learned that would help enhance culturally pluralistic age-friendly development. This work underlines the significance of social capital development within more marginalized older-adult communities, both as a reaction to outside discrimination, and as a means of ensuring healthy and inclusive community aging.

This paper examines indigeneity and spatial production in the city of Winnipeg, home to the largest urban Indigenous population in Canada. Using data from semi-structured interviews with Indigenous inhabitants, municipal officials, and Indigenous leaders, this paper argues that the right to the city and to difference are deradicalized for urban Indigenous communities. Indigenous engagement in processes of everyday urbanism occurs through broadly participatory public consultation and through mechanisms designed by City Hall to communicate with Indigenous communities about municipal initiatives. To arrive at a more robust and meaningful Indigenous urban visibility in Canadian cities, spatial production and programming mechanisms will need to be reconstituted. Guided by the perspectives of Indigenous participants, this paper considers some of what Indigenous urbanism might yet entail. Fulfilling coexistence and reconciliation is dependent on enabling Indigenous urbanism to guide the course taken in urban governance, spatial planning, and the built environment of Canadian cities.

The article examines how the City of Saskatoon’s strategies for working with Indigenous communities in high-level planning processes leading to its Strategic Plan 2013-2023 relate to three concepts framing the academic literature on how to re-calibrate state-Indigenous society relations at the urban municipal level: Indigenization, coproduction, and coexistence. We argue that indigenizing mainstream city planning processes through authentic forms of partnership will increase Indigenous density within our shared cities. Qualitative interviews with leaders from City Hall and Aboriginal communities revealed a disconnection between municipal and Indigenous participants’ ideas about inclusion. The City’s mechanisms of consultation engaged Indigenous communities as stakeholder interest groups, but not as autonomous political communities wanting to share control as full partners. A civic culture and institutional structures that affi rm and operationalize indigeneity would have improved the outcome of Saskatoon’s planning processes.

This paper examines how the design and programming of the built environment of settler cities have contributed to the invisibility of Indigenous peoples and minimizing their cultural influence. It seeks to address gaps in the academic literature on Indigenous placemaking and urban design. Indigenous placemaking has the capacity to create positive symbolic capital associated with Indigenous peoples, empowering urban inhabitants in their cultural representation, and advancing the project of truth and reconciliation. To transcend beyond tokenism, Indigenous cultures projected in built form should not be subordinated by settler mainstream decision-making frameworks.

There is a noticeable comfort emerging within planning and municipal governance when it comes to acknowledging that our cities are on Indigenous lands, often referred to as Indigenous traditional territories or homelands. But beyond that basic recognition, municipalities still do a poor job overall of making space for Indigenous sovereignty, worldviews, processes, and protocols in the shared space of the city. With the goal of improving upon the present state of affairs, this article reviews six pieces of literature demonstrating ways in which municipalities are currently working with local Indigenous communities, including: land use planning, strategic planning initiatives, Indigenous relations offices and advisory committees, urban design, and new urban reserves. It also offers ideas to steer future research toward what are arguably among the greatest challenges faced by practitioners aiming to achieve more equitable municipal-Indigenous relations in the shared space of Canadian cities.

Policy co-production's promise for accommodating Indigenous interests in municipal planning and policy development processes has taken on heightened academic significance in Canada, but it largely remains conceptual. This chapter details the outcome of an effort to formulate municipal-Indigenous policy co-production in Calgary, Alberta, Canada. The analysis illustrates that community planners and politicians reproduce colonial beliefs about Indigenous inadequacy that hinder the creation of positive working relationships that could potentially lead to policy co-production. This further suggests that our attempts to reconcile cultural difference through various promising planning models are being undermined by a general municipal unwillingness to engage with urban Indigenous peoples.

There is growing momentum in planning research, education and practice as to the commitment these fields must make to a more just and respectful relationship with Indigenous peoples. One dimension of this is the collective efforts towards defining and understanding the concepts and practices of Indigenous planning (see for example Jojola, 2008; and contributions to Walker, Jojola, & Natcher, 2013), recognising distinctive practices of planning that derive from an “indigenous world-view, which not only serves to unite [Indigenous planning] philosophically, but also to distinguish it from neighbouring non-land based communities” (Jojola, 2008, p. 42). There is relatively little opportunity, however, to actually share what it means to try and practice the principles of Indigenous planning, and for non-Indigenous planning to practice making space for Indigenous planning, on the terms of sovereign first peoples. At the Association of Collegiate Schools of Planning Conference in 2016, a group of researchers and practitioners got together to discuss what it means to practice differently in light of the principles and ethics of Indigenous planning. Our discussion, engaging both Indigenous and non-Indigenous scholars and practitioners, helped clarify some of the dimensions and dilemmas with which the field of planning might need to engage to enable a new relationship to be built with Indigenous planning. In this Interface, we bring together that discussion to think more deeply about what it means to practice the principles of Indigenous planning and the decolonising agenda it suggests. Contributions from both Indigenous and non-Indigenous people follow, bringing perspectives principally from the settler-colonial states of Aotearoa-New Zealand, Australia, Canada and the USA. The contributions cover the ethics, pedagogy and principles of Indigenous planning, the links to health, community development, housing and design, and the theoretical and pedagogical implications of Indigenous planning for mainstream Western planning.

Prairie cities have large and growing Indigenous populations. The great resurgence of strong Indigenous cultures in Canada should foretell the impact Indigeneity will have over coming years across the full spectrum of urban geography. The study uses original 2014 survey data collected from seven prairie cities to examine the following question: What does the non‐Indigenous majority public think about increasing the role of Indigeneity in the procedural and material approaches to urbanism in prairie cities? Based on our findings we suggest that public attitudes among the non‐Indigenous populations of prairie cities are changing and becoming more positive towards trying new approaches to enabling Indigenous urbanism. Support is somewhat greater for municipal‐Indigenous governance options than for specific actions to infuse Indigeneity into the design and naming of public spaces.L'attitude du public face à l'indigénisme dans l'urbanisme des Prairies canadiennesLa population indigène qui habite dans les villes des Prairies est nombreuse et grandissante. La forte recrudescence des cultures indigènes au Canada permettrait d'anticiper l'impact que l'indigénisme aura au cours des prochaines années sur l'ensemble de la géographie urbaine. Cet article propose d'explorer la question qui suit à partir des données originales d'enquête recueillies dans sept villes des Prairies en 2014: qu'est‐ce que les personnes de la majorité non indigène pensent de l'augmentation du rôle de l'indigénisme dans les démarches opérationnelles et substantielles de l'urbanisme des villes des Prairies? Les constats qui se dégagent de nos travaux montrent que l'attitude du public chez les populations non autochtones des villes des Prairies évolue et devient plus encline à essayer de nouvelles approches en matière d'urbanisme indigène. On est plutôt partisan des modes de gouvernance municipale indigène que des actions spécifiques visant à incorporer l'indigénisme dans la conception et la toponymie des espaces publics.