This paper studies the socioeconomic factors associated with labour and educational exclusion of young Colombians between 14 and 28 years of age (NEET) and the potential effect of the COVID-19 pandemic. Using data from the Gran Encuesta Integrada de Hogares, discrete choice models are estimated to determine the factors affecting NEET probability. Results show that the likelihood of being NEET increases as age and household size increase and decreases as socioeconomic status and educational level increase. Persons who faced labour and mental health problems during the pandemic are more likely to be NEET.
This study presents a method for quantifying bodily coordination between two people using motion capture data recorded during unscripted, face-to-face interactions. The approach enables the examination of the magnitude, temporal dynamics, and morphological characteristics of coordination patterns across multiple dyads, while allowing participants to move and speak freely. It provides a continuous analysis of the full movement stream without requiring segmentation or predefined coding. Technically, the method relies on speed signals derived from position or acceleration data, which are well suited for cross-correlation analyses. By computing cross-correlations between the speed signals of interacting partners, it produces a single curve that captures both immediate and time-lagged coordination, aggregated across all dyads in a given condition. Confidence intervals are then used to statistically compare coordination patterns between experimental groups. The article outlines a step-by-step procedure for implementing this method using three-dimensional motion capture datasets.
Our study evaluated how researchers' experience and community knowledge influence the representativeness and diversity of epiphyte sampling. We used a mixed methodology. For the quantitative component, we made a statistical comparison of vascular and non-vascular epiphyte records from three researchers with different levels of expertise (expert, intermediate, and inexperienced) at PNR El V & iacute;nculo. For the qualitative component, we interviewed six local inhabitants and analyzed their responses to identify ecological knowledge and conservation practices. The results showed that researchers' expertise influenced sampling representativeness, especially for lichens, with the expert-level researcher recording greater richness and diversity. The less experienced researchers tended to overestimate bryophytes, possibly due to confusion with lichens. No significant differences were found for vascular epiphytes. Accumulation and rarefaction curves confirmed these patterns. From a qualitative perspective, detailed local knowledge about epiphytes and ecological transformations in the area was highlighted. Furthermore, the potential of domestic gardens as informal conservation spaces was identified, with species not recorded in technical surveys. These findings underscore the need to integrate scientific expertise and local knowledge into methodological guidelines for a better representation of epiphyte biodiversity, especially nonvascular species.
Post-conflict societies often experience high levels of violence after demobilizing armed groups. Is this violence driven by resettling former combatants within civilian communities? And how can states prevent this form of violence? We answer the first question affirmatively but argue that the rise in violence is chiefly the result of targeted attacks against ex-combatants. These revenge killings may spill over, creating more insecurity for host communities. The state can prevent this kind of violence by providing protection for ex-combatants. We theorize that credible state security guarantees reduce violence through two mechanisms: first, by deterring attacks through physical protection, and second, by encouraging ex-combatants to rely on the state for security provision. Drawing on geo-located data from 12,000 fighters of the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC), we show that the presence of ex-combatants increased targeted assassinations and general homicide rates after the 2016 Peace Agreement. These effects were compounded when ex-combatants became more visible and identifiable through participation in collective economic projects or collaboration with civilians - two hallmarks of community-based peacebuilding. However, state protection moderated these effects. FARC members who received state protection were more likely to trust state agents and report security threats to them. Unlike previous studies that focus on reconciliation between civilians and ex-combatants, this paper theorizes the role of the state in rebuilding state-rebel bonds during Disarmament, Demobilization, and Reintegration (DDR). Las sociedades en situaci & oacute;n de posconflicto tienden a registrar altos niveles de violencia despu & eacute;s de la desmovilizaci & oacute;n de grupos armados. & iquest;Est & aacute; motivada esta violencia por la reubicaci & oacute;n de excombatientes en comunidades civiles? & iquest;De qu & eacute; maneras pueden los Estados prevenir esta forma de violencia? Respondemos afirmativamente a la primera pregunta, pero argumentamos que el aumento de la violencia se debe principalmente a ataques dirigidos contra excombatientes. Estos asesinatos por venganza pueden desbordarse, generando m & aacute;s inseguridad en las comunidades que los padecen. El Estado puede prevenir este tipo de violencia proporcionando protecci & oacute;n a los excombatientes. Teorizamos que las garant & iacute;as cre & iacute;bles a nivel de seguridad por parte del Estado reducen la violencia a trav & eacute;s de dos mecanismos: en primer lugar, disuadiendo los ataques mediante la protecci & oacute;n f & iacute;sica, y, en segundo lugar, alentando a los excombatientes a que recurran al Estado en lo referente a la provisi & oacute;n de seguridad. Demostramos, utilizando para ello datos geolocalizados procedentes de 12 000 combatientes de las Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia (FARC), que la presencia de excombatientes aument & oacute; los asesinatos selectivos y las tasas generales de homicidios despu & eacute;s del Acuerdo de Paz de 2016. Estos efectos se vieron agravados cuando los excombatientes estaban m & aacute;s visibles e identificables, ya fuera a trav & eacute;s de su participaci & oacute;n en proyectos econ & oacute;micos colectivos o por su colaboraci & oacute;n con los civiles, dos rasgos caracter & iacute;sticos de la construcci & oacute;n de paz basada en la comunidad. Sin embargo, la protecci & oacute;n por parte del Estado moder & oacute; estos efectos. Los miembros de las FARC que recibieron protecci & oacute;n por parte del Estado eran m & aacute;s propensos a confiar en los agentes del Estado y a informarles sobre amenazas a la seguridad. A diferencia de estudios previos que se centran en la reconciliaci & oacute;n entre civiles y excombatientes, este art & iacute;culo teoriza sobre el papel que ejerce el Estado en la reconstrucci & oacute;n de los lazos entre el Estado y los rebeldes durante el desarme, la desmovilizaci & oacute;n y la reintegraci & oacute;n. Apr & egrave;s un conflit, les soci & eacute;t & eacute;s connaissent souvent des niveaux & eacute;lev & eacute;s de violence quand les groupes arm & eacute;s sont d & eacute;mobilis & eacute;s. Cette violence proc & egrave;de-t-elle de la r & eacute;installation d'anciens combattants au sein de communaut & eacute;s civiles ? Comment les & Eacute;tats peuvent-ils pr & eacute;venir cette forme de violence ? Nous r & eacute;pondons & agrave; la premi & egrave;re question par l'affirmative, mais affirmons que l'essor de la violence d & eacute;coule principalement d'attaques cibl & eacute;es & agrave; l'encontre d'anciens combattants. Ces meurtres par vengeance peuvent d & eacute;border, ce qui renforce l'ins & eacute;curit & eacute; pour les communaut & eacute;s h & ocirc;tes. L'& Eacute;tat peut pr & eacute;venir ce genre de violence en fournissant une protection aux anciens combattants. Nous th & eacute;orisons qu'une s & eacute;curit & eacute; & eacute;tatique cr & eacute;dible garantit une r & eacute;duction de la violence par le biais de deux m & eacute;canismes : d'abord, en dissuadant les attaques par la protection physique, et ensuite, en encourageant les anciens combattants & agrave; s'appuyer sur l'& Eacute;tat pour assurer leur s & eacute;curit & eacute;. Nous fondant sur des donn & eacute;es g & eacute;olocalis & eacute;es issues de 12 000 combattants des Forces arm & eacute;es r & eacute;volutionnaires de Colombie (FARC), nous montrons que la pr & eacute;sence d'anciens combattants a accru les assassinats cibl & eacute;s et les taux d'homicide g & eacute;n & eacute;raux apr & egrave;s l'accord de paix de 2016. Ces effets se sont renforc & eacute;s quand les anciens combattants sont devenus plus visibles et identifiables par la participation & agrave; des projets & eacute;conomiques collectifs ou la collaboration avec des civils, deux composantes essentielles de la consolidation de la paix bas & eacute;e sur la communaut & eacute;. N & eacute;anmoins, la protection & eacute;tatique a mod & eacute;r & eacute; ces effets. Les membres des FARC qui ont re & ccedil;u une protection & eacute;tatique avaient plus de chances de faire confiance aux agents de l'& Eacute;tat et de leur signaler des menaces de s & eacute;curit & eacute;. Au contraire d'& eacute;tudes ant & eacute;rieures qui se focalisent sur la r & eacute;conciliation entre civils et anciens combattants, cet article se concenter sur le r & ocirc;le de l'& Eacute;tat dans la reconstruction de liens entre l'& Eacute;tat et les rebelles lors du d & eacute;sarmement, de la d & eacute;mobilisation et de la r & eacute;insertion (DDR).
This article addresses a key evidence gap in urban safety policy in Colombia: the absence of publicly accessible microdata that jointly measure victimization, perception of security, and probability of sanctions among socioeconomically vulnerable residents. It aims to provide a clean, linkable dataset that enables analysis of variations in these issues across demographic and territorial groups in Cali (recently classified as the 29th most dangerous city worldwide, with 1028 and 1065 homicides in 2024 and 2025, respectively). It reports face-to-face survey data collected from 22 July to 16 August 2024, at Sistema de Identificación de Potenciales Beneficiarios de Programas Sociales (SISBEN) service points. The final dataset includes 2139 adults (aged 18–95 years) and combines (i) primary responses on perceived safety (e.g., public space safety and surveillance cameras), perceived likelihood of sanction, victimization, and self-protection measures with (ii) selected sociodemographic and household characteristics drawn from SISBEN IV records. Individual-level linkage was implemented using respondent identification at interviews, yielding an integrated anonymized file suitable for replication and secondary analysis. The dataset enables distributive analyses of insecurity (e.g., by sex, age, and ethnicity—including Afro-descendant populations) within a policy-relevant target group and supports evaluation and targeting of local interventions by providing individual-level indicators.
