
Current assessment tools for streams and rivers focus on ecological functioning while ignoring the social dimension, which varies across rural and urban ecosystems. This study presents the rural–urban socioecological stream sustainability index (hereinafter, RU-SESSI) for assessing stream function across the rural–urban continuum. This index is based on the stream ecosystem services (ES) and biodiversity index (SESBI), which was developed in our previous study to assess stream health. The SESBI was extended into a sustainability subindex by adding two economic indicators, and the framework was complemented by a stream–society interaction subindex comprising accessibility, public safety, and community involvement. Together, these subindices capture stream function through both sustainability performance and human–stream interaction patterns. The framework was refined and validated using the Delphi method, revealing significant differences in the relative importance of most RU-SESSI indicators between rural and urban segments. Applied to the Yarkon Stream in central Israel, the index revealed higher biodiversity and regulating services scores in the rural reach, whereas economic, recreation, and accessibility scores were higher in the urban reach, while public safety and community involvement were comparable between reaches. The urban reach achieved a slightly higher RU-SEES score than the rural reach (6.22 vs. 5.76), with no significant difference in the distribution of weighted indicator scores. The RU-SESSI offers a context-sensitive framework that accounts for unique socioecological dynamics, providing policymakers with valuable insights for tailoring stream management to rural–urban settings and contributing to global water security and sustainability.
Background Parents apply their knowledge of cognition, emotion, and behavior (metacognition, metaemotion, and metabehavior) to provide children external regulation to achieve learning goals. Aims Two studies examined how parents' metaprocesses shape children's self-regulated learning (SRL) strategies through external regulation (other-regulation and co-regulation) in distance and in-school learning.Study 1 Method Mothers (N = 357) were surveyed regarding their own and their 1st–3rd graders’ SRL in three cohorts: Cohort 1 (in-school learning; pre-COVID-19); Cohort 2 (distance learning; COVID-19 first lockdown); and Cohort 3 (in-school learning; post-lockdown). Results Mediation coefficients were estimated for parent metaprocesses associated with their children's SRL, mediated through external regulation. In distance learning, parental metaemotion, metabehavior, and co-regulation were positively associated with their children's SRL. Co-regulation was positively associated with emotion SRL-reappraisal for Cohort 2 and Cohort 3.Study 2 Method Parents (n = 311; 49% fathers) were surveyed while their 1st-3rd grade children were in distance learning (Time 1: COVID-19 third lockdown) and in routine in-school learning (Time 2) in a repeated-measures design. Their children (n = 143) reported on social, math, and language abilities at Time 2. Results Cross-lagged models investigated Time 1 and Time 2 associations within- and across-time effects using complex mediation models. Metaprocesses were linked to SRL, math, and language skills through other-regulation, whereas metaprocesses were associated with SRL strategies and social skills through co-regulation. Conclusion Parent metaprocesses were positively associated with prompts guiding their children's SRL strategies and learning outcomes. Findings highlight links between metaprocesses and child emotion SRL-reappraisal through co-regulation.
News visibility is central to political success, shaping how citizens evaluate political actors. While previous research emphasizes institutional power as the main driver of media coverage, less is known about how elite personalities influence visibility across countries. This study combines personality profiles (Big Five and Dark Core) and media appearances of 159 candidates in 85 national elections across 52 countries (2016-2022). Stable politicians receive greater visibility overall, whereas dark traits-particularly narcissism and Machiavellianism-increase coverage in media systems emphasizing personalization and negativity. These findings reveal how media logic amplifies manipulative and antagonistic leaders, often linked to democratic backsliding.
We propose an interdisciplinary theoretical framework that integrates insights from political science, public administration, organizational theory, economics, psychology, sociology, and cognitive science to better understand the role of emotions in governance in the digital age. We argue that citizens' sentiments and emotional responses are central to their relationships with government institutions and bureaucracies. Building on bounded rationality and technology acceptance models, we develop a conceptual model that captures the bi-directional relationship between emotions and digital governance interactions. This gap is increasingly important as traditional human-to-human interactions are progressively replaced by citizen engagement with digital platforms, where emotional responses are directed toward technological systems rather than human officials. We therefore introduce a theory of emotional digital governance and propose a set of propositions that incorporate cultural values as key moderating factors. Finally, we outline the theoretical, methodological, empirical, and practical contributions of this framework for advancing research on digital governance and data-driven public administration.
We reveal the sources of public trust in state audit institutions as a major gatekeeper of good governance. Based on rationales developed in trust research and democratic theory, we test our hypotheses using a survey distributed to Israeli citizens. Our findings indicate that trust in the political system and citizens' perceptions about the strength of the civic supervision are directly related to their trust in state audit institutions. We identify complex relationships between citizens' perceptions of the government's awareness about the need to involve citizens in decision-making and their trust in state audit institutions through these factors. Our analysis tests partisan-motivated reasoning as an alternative explanation, indicating that trust in the political system influences trust in state audit institutions primarily among those who identify with and support the incumbent political camp. This research provides valuable insights into the discussion about the relationship between different forms of supervision and accountability.