ABSTRACT Argentina's political landscape experienced a major shift with the unexpected election of Javier Milei as President. Known for his radical right‐wing stance, Milei has pledged to drastically minimize the state's role, proposing a public spending cut of 14% of the gross domestic product. While his lack of a legislative majority poses a challenge to implementing his ambitious agenda, Milei has signaled his intent to use referenda to bypass Congress in a strategic maneuver. Do his supporters genuinely back his policy positions? In which areas and sectors of the state might Milei's voters endorse the application of his so‐called “chainsaw plan” and other proposed reforms? Using survey data ( n = 1181), this article will examine whether Milei's voters support his views and policies, signaling a shift to the right in public opinion after decades of strong support for left‐wing parties. Regression analysis on voting intentions reveals that, among various areas (health, environment, economy, immigration, international relations, and the role of the state), economic visions and preferences emerge as the strongest predictors of support for Milei, highlighting the economic dimension as central to the motivations of his voter base.
ABSTRACT Why does patronage (the discretionary appointment of public positions) in public education continue to exist in Latin America? What are the key factors that explain its persistence or decay? Using the cases of Chile, Colombia, and Ecuador, and leveraging a multi‐source qualitative approach, this study identifies three central features that set the path for diminished patronage in the education sector, (1) the degree of party system institutionalization in each country, (2) the level of politicization of teacher unions, and (3) the strength of civil society groups and policy networks. Overall, findings show that in countries with high party institutionalization, low union politicization, and a strong civil society, here exemplified by Chile, patronage in the education sector has remained low over time. Ecuador, on the other hand, has seen patronage become more deeply entrenched due to policies taken under the regime of Rafael Correa (2007–2017). Colombia is a “mixed bag” of sorts, curtailing national‐level patronage yet still encountering more nuanced and potentially more pernicious versions of patron–client relations at local levels. This article has important insights on state–society relations and particularly on the role education reform can have in lessening patronage practices.
ABSTRACT This article examines regional citizenship in Mercosur by linking legal–institutional developments with public perceptions of integration. Drawing on official Mercosur documents and Latin‐Barometer datasets, it adopts a multidimensional conception of citizenship encompassing rights, political participation, and collective identity. The findings reveal a persistent gap between normative ambitions and popular support. Despite key agreements such as the Residence Agreement and the Citizenship Statute, weak supranational institutions and limited participatory mechanisms constrain the societal internalization of regional citizenship. Identification with Mercosur remains moderate and uneven across countries, with Uruguay displaying relatively higher levels of regional attachment.
ABSTRACT This article analyzes experiences of nationwide enjoyment and exercise of communication, cultural, and digital rights in state and community instances from a human rights‐based approach. The period covered goes from 2019—a year before the outbreak of the Covid‐19 pandemic in Argentina and the implementation of the preventive measures—to 2023, a year after they were lifted. In view of the increasing inequalities in the fields of communication, culture, and connectivity during the Covid‐19 pandemic, we ask, to what extent did the three branches of government operate effectively as guarantors of rights; what policies were designed to this effect, and how did socio‐community organizations influence public policies or develop self‐managed strategies for the exercise of these rights? The methodology a qualitative analysis of a wide survey of publicly available information, using a method based on a human rights and communication policymaking approach. The article concludes that the executive and legislative branches designed public policies to expand all three rights, but such policies turned out to be insufficient. The judicial acted mostly as an obstacle to the exercise of rights, serving the capture of policies by economic elites. Civil society organizations developed strategies for participation and advocacy in rights‐promoting public policies. At the same time, they self‐managed initiatives to guarantee such rights. The state would on occasion collaborate in the development of these efforts.
This study tested whether institutional quality moderated the relationship between public education investment and educational outcomes in five Latin American democracies from 2013 to 2022. Using panel data analysis with interaction modeling, the investigation found that countries with stronger governance structures achieved substantially greater returns on education spending, with high-quality institutions producing nearly three times the educational impact per unit of investment compared to weak institutional contexts. The analysis of Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Costa Rica, and Mexico confirmed that education investment remained statistically ineffective at the lowest levels of institutional quality while generating robust improvements in countries with strong governance capacity. These findings suggest that policymakers should prioritize institutional strengthening alongside budget increases to maximize educational investment effectiveness. (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)2013(sic)(sic)2022(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic).(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)3(sic).(sic)(sic)(sic),(sic)(sic),(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic),(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic).(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic). Este estudio examin & oacute; si la calidad institucional moderaba la relaci & oacute;n entre la inversi & oacute;n en educaci & oacute;n p & uacute;blica y los resultados educativos en cinco democracias latinoamericanas entre 2013 y 2022. Mediante el an & aacute;lisis de datos de panel con modelado de interacciones, la investigaci & oacute;n revel & oacute; que los pa & iacute;ses con estructuras de gobernanza m & aacute;s s & oacute;lidas obtuvieron rendimientos sustancialmente mayores de su gasto educativo; en concreto, las instituciones de alta calidad generaron un impacto educativo casi tres veces superior por unidad de inversi & oacute;n en comparaci & oacute;n con los contextos institucionales d & eacute;biles. El an & aacute;lisis de Brasil, Chile, Colombia, Costa Rica y M & eacute;xico confirm & oacute; que la inversi & oacute;n en educaci & oacute;n result & oacute; estad & iacute;sticamente ineficaz en los niveles m & aacute;s bajos de calidad institucional, mientras que gener & oacute; mejoras s & oacute;lidas en los pa & iacute;ses con una fuerte capacidad de gobernanza. Estos hallazgos sugieren que los responsables de la formulaci & oacute;n de pol & iacute;ticas deber & iacute;an priorizar el fortalecimiento institucional, de manera simult & aacute;nea a los aumentos presupuestarios, con el fin de maximizar la eficacia de la inversi & oacute;n educativa.
The main purpose of this article is to understand the driving forces behind AMLO's energy policy (2018-2024) within a political and institutional context that prioritized energy sovereignty and a deep nationalism. While the return of the state to a sector that had been largely liberalized during the previous administration was accompanied by the revival of an openly extractivist approach, we examine two principles that may have influenced this dynamic and consider the extent to which each shaped this new statist, protectionist, and extractivist framework: import substitution, on the one hand, and the theory of carbon lock-in, on the other. Before assessing the explanatory relevance of each hypothesis, we briefly recall the differences between energy policy and commitments to decarbonization across the two preceding administrations (2012-2018 and 2018-2024). A detailed analysis of the major decisions taken during AMLO's administration allows us to demonstrate the greater explanatory power of the carbon lock-in theory over the ISI model. Finally, in conclusion, we draw attention to several issues that, in our view, warrant further research-namely, the consequences of this attachment to fossil fuels and its relationship with a nationalist and protectionist context.
Electricity reform in Mexico should stimulate economic growth, improve energy efficiency, and reduce greenhouse gas emissions. This article evaluates the successes and failures of reform and draws lessons across political cycles by analyzing changes in political dynamics-often tied to policy reversals-and the legal framework during the pro-market period (1989-2018). These elements help explain trends in electricity demand and policy development. The study identifies key factors influencing the energy sector, including the transition to renewables, modernization of infrastructure, and the ability of both the state and market to meet rising electricity demand. Findings indicate that Mexico's energy reforms experienced a pro-market wave from 1989 to 2018, followed by a significant policy shift under President AMLO, which weakened the 2013 energy reform and earlier policies. Despite these reversals, the sector remains attractive to private investors. The adoption of a new pro-market growth model during the earlier phase influenced investment rates in the electricity sector significantly. Overall, while policy continuity has been challenged, particularly under recent administrations, the reforms have had lasting effects on investment patterns and sector modernization, highlighting the complex relationship between politics, law, and economic development in shaping the future of electricity in Mexico.
ABSTRACT This article applies Punctuated Equilibrium Theory (PET) to analyze budget dynamics in three Latin American democracies—Chile, Costa Rica, and Uruguay. These countries, characterized by relatively high levels of democratic quality, bureaucratic professionalism, and institutional stability, provide demanding cases for assessing whether the Theory's empirical regularities extend to Latin America. The study uses annual data on central government spending by policy function 1990–2020. It applies standard PET tools—histograms, Q – Q plots, Shapiro–Wilk, and Kolmogorov–Smirnov tests—and estimates kurtosis, L‐kurtosis, and L‐skewness to assess the distributional properties of budget changes. The results show strong evidence of punctuated dynamics in all three countries; budget distributions are markedly leptokurtic, especially in Costa Rica and Uruguay, while Chile exhibits lower but still significant departures from normality. Sectoral analysis reveals that volatility is concentrated in areas such as housing and environmental protection, whereas core functions like education and public safety remain stable. These findings confirm PET's baseline pattern in institutionalized Latin American democracies and highlight the importance of contextual factors in shaping the intensity of punctuation. They also underscore the need for further research into sectoral heterogeneity, cross‐national variation, and the institutional and political mechanisms underlying non‐incremental policy change.
This article examines the relationship between the principles of scientific excellence and equity in national science policy in Chile, a semi-peripheral country. It seeks to understand how political priorities influence the distribution of scientific resources and how these influences interact with disciplinary and institutional contexts. The study analyzes data on the allocation of publicly funded scientific projects in Chile 1982-2021. This quantitative dataset is complemented by a qualitative review of presidential speeches and institutional policy documents from the same period, enabling a contextual interpretation of the findings. The findings indicate that political priorities are reflected in project allocations, particularly through the promotion of certain research topics and increasing attention to gender and territorial equity. Yet, the influence of political agendas is mediated by contextual variables such as disciplinary area, the trajectories of scientific communities, and the structure of the research ecosystem. The analysis reveals a dynamic of "negotiated autonomy," in which political influence on science is present but shaped by institutional and disciplinary factors. These dynamics highlight the complex interplay between equity, excellence, and governance in the design and implementation of science policy in Chile. (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic) ((sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)) (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic).(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic).(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)1982(sic)(sic)2021(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic).(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic).(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic).(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic),(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic).(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)"(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)"(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic).(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic),(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic). Este art & iacute;culo examina la relaci & oacute;n entre los principios de excelencia cient & iacute;fica y equidad en la pol & iacute;tica cient & iacute;fica nacional de Chile, un pa & iacute;s semiperif & eacute;rico. Busca comprender c & oacute;mo las prioridades pol & iacute;ticas influyen en la distribuci & oacute;n de los recursos cient & iacute;ficos y c & oacute;mo estas influencias interact & uacute;an con los contextos disciplinarios e institucionales. El estudio analiza datos sobre la asignaci & oacute;n de proyectos cient & iacute;ficos financiados con fondos p & uacute;blicos en Chile entre 1982 y 2021. Este conjunto de datos cuantitativos se complementa con una revisi & oacute;n cualitativa de discursos presidenciales y documentos de pol & iacute;tica institucional del mismo periodo, lo que permite una interpretaci & oacute;n contextual de los hallazgos. Los resultados indican que las prioridades pol & iacute;ticas se reflejan en la asignaci & oacute;n de proyectos, particularmente a trav & eacute;s de la promoci & oacute;n de ciertos temas de investigaci & oacute;n y de una creciente atenci & oacute;n a la equidad de g & eacute;nero y territorial. No obstante, la influencia de las agendas pol & iacute;ticas se ve mediada por variables contextuales, tales como el & aacute;rea disciplinaria, las trayectorias de las comunidades cient & iacute;ficas y la estructura del ecosistema de investigaci & oacute;n. El an & aacute;lisis revela una din & aacute;mica de "autonom & iacute;a negociada," en la cual la influencia pol & iacute;tica sobre la ciencia est & aacute; presente, pero es moldeada por factores institucionales y disciplinarios. Estas din & aacute;micas ponen de relieve la compleja interacci & oacute;n entre equidad, excelencia y gobernanza en el dise & ntilde;o y la implementaci & oacute;n de la pol & iacute;tica cient & iacute;fica en Chile.
This study is guided by two research questions, what factors sustain the Brazil-China trade relationship and explain its strategic relevance within evolving geopolitical dynamics, and how can this relationship be systematically analyzed to inform understanding of emerging market partnerships. The study adopts a theory-building approach and develops a conceptual framework grounded in interdependence theory, supported by trade data and institutional evidence. The results show that the relationship is sustained by complementary strategic orientations, with China advancing global influence and Brazil pursuing competitiveness, which are translated into coordinated trade and infrastructure arrangements. These dynamics are associated with sustained trade expansion and measurable economic gains, indicating that asymmetrical partnerships can achieve stability and long-term continuity when supported by institutional alignment and integrated logistics systems. (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic):(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic);(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic).(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic).(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic):(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic).(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic). Este estudio se gu & iacute;a por dos preguntas de investigaci & oacute;n: qu & eacute; factores sostienen la relaci & oacute;n comercial entre Brasil y China y explican su relevancia estrat & eacute;gica dentro de las din & aacute;micas geopol & iacute;ticas en evoluci & oacute;n, y c & oacute;mo puede analizarse sistem & aacute;ticamente dicha relaci & oacute;n para enriquecer la comprensi & oacute;n de las alianzas entre mercados emergentes. El estudio adopta un enfoque de construcci & oacute;n te & oacute;rica y desarrolla un marco conceptual fundamentado en la teor & iacute;a de la interdependencia, respaldado por datos comerciales y evidencia institucional. Los resultados indican que la relaci & oacute;n se sustenta en orientaciones estrat & eacute;gicas complementarias -con China impulsando su influencia global y Brasil buscando la competitividad-, las cuales se traducen en acuerdos coordinados en materia de comercio e infraestructura. Estas din & aacute;micas se asocian con una expansi & oacute;n comercial sostenida y beneficios econ & oacute;micos mensurables, lo que sugiere que las alianzas asim & eacute;tricas pueden alcanzar estabilidad y continuidad a largo plazo cuando cuentan con el respaldo de una alineaci & oacute;n institucional y sistemas log & iacute;sticos integrados.
Globally, 87% of textile fibers end up incinerated or in landfills, with Chile bearing the brunt of this crisis. Every year, 39,000 tons of discarded clothing are illegally dumped in the Atacama Desert, turning it into a sacrifice zone for the Global North's waste economy. In response, Chile introduced the "National Solid Waste Policy 2018-2030" to regulate textile waste, yet its gaps perpetuate rather than resolve environmental injustice and existing power relations. This research addresses the question, how does the "National Solid Waste Policy 2018-2030" contribute to the reproduction of existing power relations in the Atacama Desert? Applying Lukes' three-dimensional power framework, this research argues the policy excludes marginalized communities (first dimension), shields Global North actors from accountability (second dimension), and depoliticizes textile dumping as a technical issue (third dimension). To break this cycle, urgent preventive measures-including Extended Producer Responsibility laws, trade reforms, and the formalization of informal waste workers-must be implemented before 2030. Still, prevention alone is insufficient. This research advances a bold restoration strategy, inspired by ocean cleanup initiatives, to convert textile waste into renewable biofuels. (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), 87%(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic).(sic)(sic), (sic)3.9(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic).(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)"2018-2030(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)"(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic).(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)"2018-2030(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)"(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)?(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)Lukes(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic) ((sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic) ((sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic) ((sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)) .(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)2030(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic),(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic).(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic).(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic). A nivel mundial, el 87% de las fibras textiles terminan incineradas o en vertederos, siendo Chile quien carga con el peso de esta crisis. Cada a & ntilde;o, 39.000 toneladas de ropa desechada son vertidas ilegalmente en el desierto de Atacama, transform & aacute;ndolo en una zona de sacrificio para la econom & iacute;a de residuos del Norte Global. En respuesta, Chile introdujo la "Pol & iacute;tica Nacional de Residuos S & oacute;lidos 2018-2030" para regular los residuos textiles; sin embargo, sus deficiencias perpet & uacute;an -en lugar de resolver-la injusticia ambiental y las relaciones de poder existentes. Esta investigaci & oacute;n aborda la siguiente interrogante: & iquest;c & oacute;mo contribuye la "Pol & iacute;tica Nacional de Residuos S & oacute;lidos 2018-2030" a la reproducci & oacute;n de las relaciones de poder existentes en el desierto de Atacama? Aplicando el marco tridimensional del poder de Lukes, este estudio argumenta que dicha pol & iacute;tica excluye a las comunidades marginadas (primera dimensi & oacute;n), exime de rendici & oacute;n de cuentas a los actores del Norte Global (segunda dimensi & oacute;n) y despolitiza el vertido de textiles al tratarlo como una cuesti & oacute;n meramente t & eacute;cnica (tercera dimensi & oacute;n). Para romper este ciclo, deben implementarse medidas preventivas urgentes-incluyendo leyes de Responsabilidad Extendida del Productor, reformas comerciales y la formalizaci & oacute;n de los trabajadores informales de residuos-antes del a & ntilde;o 2030. No obstante, la prevenci & oacute;n por s & iacute; sola resulta insuficiente. Esta investigaci & oacute;n propone una audaz estrategia de restauraci & oacute;n-inspirada en las iniciativas de limpieza oce & aacute;nica- destinada a transformar los residuos textiles en biocombustibles renovables.
The objective of this study is to analyze the political culture of adults aged 65 and older in the municipality of Culiac & aacute;n, Sinaloa, Mexico, focusing on their perception of democracy and their recent electoral influence, considering their role as political actors and their partisan trajectory in the aftermath of the 2021 election. The application of a survey to 384 people from this segment of the population in different districts and electoral sections of the municipality allows us to visualize how these voters can define an election through the high level of participation, the hard vote for a political party, and political influence in the family. The results obtained allow us to analyze how disenchantment with previous governments, help received from the welfare pension, and trust placed in the presidential institution of Andr & eacute;s Manuel L & oacute;pez Obrador are factors that influence elections. (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)65(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)2021(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic).(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)384(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic),(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic).(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic),(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)& centerdot;(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)& centerdot;(sic)(sic)(sic)& centerdot;(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic). El objetivo de este estudio es analizar la cultura pol & iacute;tica de los adultos de 65 a & ntilde;os o m & aacute;s en el municipio de Culiac & aacute;n, Sinaloa, M & eacute;xico, centr & aacute;ndose en su percepci & oacute;n de la democracia y su reciente influencia electoral, considerando su papel como actores pol & iacute;ticos y su trayectoria partidista tras las elecciones de 2021. La aplicaci & oacute;n de una encuesta a 384 personas de este segmento de la poblaci & oacute;n, en diferentes distritos y secciones electorales del municipio, nos permite visualizar c & oacute;mo estos votantes pueden definir una elecci & oacute;n a trav & eacute;s de su alto nivel de participaci & oacute;n, su voto duro hacia un partido pol & iacute;tico y su influencia pol & iacute;tica en el & aacute;mbito familiar. Los resultados obtenidos permiten analizar c & oacute;mo el desencanto con los gobiernos anteriores, la ayuda recibida mediante la Pensi & oacute;n del Bienestar y la confianza depositada en la instituci & oacute;n presidencial de Andr & eacute;s Manuel L & oacute;pez Obrador son factores que influyen en los procesos electorales.
Mexico's 2022-2024 Marea Rosa (Pink Tide) movement rose rapidly in response to growing democratic backsliding under President L & oacute;pez Obrador. With mass protests defending electoral institutions and a pivotal role in unifying opposition parties ahead of the 2024 election, the movement seemed poised to reshape the political landscape. Yet despite its visibility and scale, the Marea Rosa ultimately had limited electoral effects. Drawing on social movement theory and civil society literature, this article argues that the movement's elite-driven, top-down structure fostered strong-bonding social capital but failed to cultivate bridging ties beyond its core base. The analysis combines process tracing, in-depth interviews with key organizers, and a social network analysis based on X (formerly Twitter) to trace how centralized coordination, narrow demographic reach, and a bounded framing strategy curtailed the movement's capacity to broaden support or realign the electorate. While Marea Rosa succeeded in mobilizing discontent, it lacked the participatory innovation and inclusiveness characteristic of more transformative civic movements. The findings contribute to debates on civil society in backsliding democracies by highlighting the tradeoffs of elite-led mobilization; while effective in signaling resistance and constraining authoritarian reforms, such movements often lack the inclusiveness and participatory innovation required to reshape electoral outcomes. El movimiento mexicano Marea Rosa (2022-2024) surgi & oacute; con rapidez en respuesta al creciente retroceso democr & aacute;tico bajo la presidencia de L & oacute;pez Obrador. Con protestas masivas en defensa de las instituciones electorales y un papel fundamental en la unificaci & oacute;n de los partidos de oposici & oacute;n de cara a las elecciones de 2024, el movimiento parec & iacute;a posicionado para reconfigurar el panorama pol & iacute;tico. Sin embargo, a pesar de su visibilidad y magnitud, la Marea Rosa tuvo, en & uacute;ltima instancia, un impacto electoral limitado. Bas & aacute;ndose en la teor & iacute;a de los movimientos sociales y en la literatura sobre la sociedad civil, este art & iacute;culo sostiene que la estructura del movimiento -impulsada por las & eacute;lites y de car & aacute;cter vertical- foment & oacute; un s & oacute;lido capital social de cohesi & oacute;n interna, pero no logr & oacute; cultivar v & iacute;nculos de conexi & oacute;n con sectores m & aacute;s all & aacute; de su base central. El an & aacute;lisis combina el rastreo de procesos, entrevistas en profundidad con organizadores clave y un an & aacute;lisis de redes sociales basado en X (anteriormente Twitter) para examinar c & oacute;mo una coordinaci & oacute;n centralizada, un alcance demogr & aacute;fico restringido y una estrategia de encuadre acotada limitaron la capacidad del movimiento para ampliar su base de apoyo o realinear al electorado. Si bien la Marea Rosa logr & oacute; movilizar el descontento, careci & oacute; de la innovaci & oacute;n participativa y la inclusividad caracter & iacute;sticas de movimientos c & iacute;vicos de car & aacute;cter m & aacute;s transformador. Los hallazgos de este estudio contribuyen a los debates sobre la sociedad civil en democracias en retroceso al poner de relieve las disyuntivas inherentes a la movilizaci & oacute;n liderada por las & eacute;lites: si bien resulta eficaz para manifestar resistencia y frenar reformas de corte autoritario, este tipo de movimientos a menudo carece de la inclusividad y la innovaci & oacute;n participativa necesarias para reconfigurar los resultados electorales. 2022(sic)(sic)2024(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)"(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)"(Marea Rosa)(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)& centerdot;(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic).(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)2024(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic).(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)"(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)"(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic),(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic).(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic).(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic),(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)X(sic)(sic) ((sic)Twitter) (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic),(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic).(sic)(sic)"(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)"(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic).(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic):(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic), (sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic)(sic).
Despite awareness of the challenges in promoting the decarbonization of the economy, explicit fossil fuel subsidies have increased considerably worldwide in the past decade, reaching an all-time high at US$1 trillion in 2022. Considering the net-zero transition and the increase of modern public debt, this article assesses the most relevant subsidies for fossil fuels in Brazil and how, due to some conflict with ongoing deficits in the national public budget, they neither adhere to energy justice principles nor foster energy transition. Brazil currently allocates a substantial 2.0% of the country's gross domestic product for subsidies, considering both implicit and explicit calculated values. We observe that in certain years, almost one-third of the nominal investment budget has been waived in tax revenue from Repetro, a production-focused preferential tax treatment for the oil and gas industry, with no performance standards set on the beneficiaries. Conclusions indicate that the country should consider an early phase-out of Repetro and would be better served through the expansion of policies aimed at reducing fuel poverty by increasing direct financial transfers to low-income consumers, such as Gas Aid, which is currently relatively modest in value and has a relevant regional and social distributional outcome.
Socio-environmental corruption in Latin America and the Caribbean represents a critical barrier to effective environmental governance and the enforcement of socio-environmental rights. This article focuses on how corruption intersects with climate vulnerability, disaster response, and institutional fragility, exacerbating socio-environmental injustices across the region. We argue that impunity, state capture, and the commodification of nature-often driven by economic interest and facilitated by transnational actors-undermine public trust, hinder accountability, and reproduce extractivist development models. Drawing on case studies and recent data, we examine the limitations of governmental responses, the role of civil society, and the transformative potential of ecological citizenship.
While scholars have identified models of political emigrant policies across countries, we still lack an understanding of how these models come about and persist. Using a sequential mixed-methods approach-including quantitative analysis of policy mixes in 22 Latin American and Caribbean countries and a comparative case study of Colombia and Uruguay-this study examines how policymaking processes give shape to policy combinations stemming from policies in the political realm, such as citizenship, external voting, and consultative councils. Our findings challenge purely economic or diffusion-based explanations, emphasizing policymaking as a dynamic, interactive process that organizes policies into stable yet adaptable patterns. Variations across countries are explained by differences in political culture, bureaucratic practices, and migration institutions. While grounded in regional particularities, our approach offers a middle-range framework adaptable to other contexts.
