Election-related violence poses a major threat to democratic stability in emerging democracies such as Nigeria. Several factors have been widely examined, less attention has been devoted to the youth dispositions to election-related violence. This study, therefore, investigated youth disposition to election-related violence as well as factors predisposing them to such behavior in southwestern Nigeria. Descriptive survey research design was considered proper for assessing existing conditions without manipulating variables. Youths aged 18–35 years living in Oyo, Osun, and Ondo States were purposively selected due to history of being politically active youth populations and prior records of election-related violence. A total of 1,174 youths were sampled using a multi-stage sampling procedure. In each state, two local government areas were randomly selected, followed by purposive selection of communities with high youth concentration and political activity. Data were collected using the Youth Disposition and Predisposition to Election-Related Violence Scale (r=0.72). Section A of the instrument captured demographic information, Section B measured youth disposition toward election-related violence, and Section C assessed predisposing factors. Findings revealed that youths exhibited a generally low disposition toward election-related violence (x̄=2.21: Threshold: 2.5), indicating weak endorsement of violence as a legitimate tool of political participation. However, pockets of tolerance for electoral manipulation and monetary inducement were observed. Analysis further showed that predisposing factors (x̄= 3.20: Threshold: 3.0) strongly influenced youth vulnerability to violent mobilization. These included past substance abuse, previous involvement in violent activities, and low levels of electoral participation and trust in political institutions. Several recommendations were made.
Motivated by the challenges inherent to integration and coordination in collaborative public governance-particularly in sectors traditionally focused in state actors, such as National Defense-this article aims to analyze how relationships are configured among actors operating under different logics and embedded in distinct institutional arrangements, across multiple decision-making layers. To this end, a case study was conducted in the Rio de Janeiro Naval Technology Cluster, Brazil. The research findings indicate the need to consider new structures capable of shaping actors' behavior and decision-making processes, emphasizing the importance of participatory and effective government, where collaboration plays a central role in constructing socially shared values. Furthermore, the study highlighted that leadership plays a crucial role in addressing structural gaps in managing actors' activities, providing tools for their organization and coordination, and guiding actions within governance arrangements and subsystems. In this context, the research contributes to advancing knowledge on public governance mechanisms, with meta-governance, institutional leadership, and political entrepreneurship emerging as essential foundations for strengthening intersectoral relations.
En la introducción del presente artículo se plantea que la estructura organizativa y normativa del sistema de salud colombiano ha experimentado múltiples modificaciones desde su creación, con el fin de adaptarse a los desafíos económicos, sociales y políticos del país. En atención a ello, el objetivo de este estudio es analizar la evolución normativa y organizativa del Sistema General de Seguridad Social en Salud (SGSSS) de Colombia, y su relación con las funciones del marco de desempeño de los sistemas de salud. La metodología utilizada fue la siguiente: se realizó una revisión sistematizada deliteratura, con la información recolectada de bases de datos académicas (Scopus, Pubmed, Dialnet, Lilacs y Scielo) y de fuentes institucionales como Minsalud; se seleccionaron los documentos del estudio siguiendo la declaración prisma-Scr y de acuerdo con los criterios de elegibilidad; y se aplicó análisis cualitativo temático, bajo las funciones del marco de desempeño de los sistemas de salud. Como resultados se incluyen 11 estudios, 13 leyes y un informe. Los hallazgos revelan avances normativos en gobernanza, especialmente con el fortalecimiento de la Superintendencia Nacional de Salud, pero persisten debilidades en articulación interinstitucional y transparencia. La generación de recursos sigue siendo inequitativa, con carencias significativas en talento humano e infraestructura para zonas rurales. En financiamiento, aunque la cobertura se amplió mediante el aseguramiento, persisten problemas de sostenibilidad fiscal y fragmentación. En la prestación de servicios, se prioriza un modelo curativo de alta complejidad sobre la atención primaria en salud. Se concluye que, pesar de los avances legislativos, el SGSSS requiere modificaciones ajustadas a la situación del país y de sus territorios, que respondan a los retos estructurales en gobernanza, financiamiento, generación de recursos y prestación de servicios.
By engaging the philosophy-physics stance of ‘Causal Republicanism’, this article addresses causation as an interpretive tool for making sense of the relationships between things in the world. Even though several linguists and realist philosophers have underscored the relevance of language for science as an interpretation of what is real, philosophical realist accounts of causation in International Relations (IR) often neglect the importance of language and interpretation for providing causal explanations. In order to vindicate the interpretive character of causation, this article offers a sample of critical realist analysis of the causal power of ideas in a case of regionalism pursuit, showing that incorporating a causal republicanist view into causal realist accounts may improve the provision of causal explanations, without giving away their realist-laden conception of causation
El Pacto Mundial para una Migración Segura, Ordenada y Regular, sancionado por la Asamblea General de las Naciones Unidas, es el primer acuerdo global sobre migraciones, suscrito en diciembre de 2018 en la ciudad de Marrakech. Se trata del primer entendimiento de este tipo adoptado en el marco del sistema de las Naciones Unidas, de acuerdo con los propósitos y principios contenidos en su carta constitutiva. Mediante el análisis de documentos académicos especializados y de material oficial emanado del sistema de las Naciones Unidas el presente artículo explora la compatibilidad existente entre el Pacto Mundial de Migraciones y los complejos regionales de seguridad. Se concluye que el Pacto Mundial reúne todos los elementos que conforman un complejo de seguridad regional tal y como lo presentara la Escuela de Copenhague. En un contexto de drama humanitario por la crisis migratoria que enfrenta Occidente, la respuesta de los países es de mayor seguritización de la migración, estructurando complejos de seguridad a los efectos de su gobierno, identificable a partir de la aplicación de los modelos teóricos referidos.
Las drogas ilícitas son el problema clave para la práctica de la política exterior de Colombia. Por consiguiente, para la consolidación de la disciplina de las Relaciones Internacionales en Colombia, el tema de las drogas ilícitas debería ser un tema con profundo análisis y debate desde la academia. Este documento se guía por la pregunta ¿Cómo se ha pensado el tema del problema de las drogas ilícitas desde la disciplina de las Relaciones Internacionales en Colombia? la respuesta se buscó en los artículos que han tratado el tema y que han sido publicados en las revistas especializadas en la disciplina. Se revisaron artículos desde 1988 hasta 2025, un marco temporal de 38 años y 667 artículos. Los artículos fueron revisados y categorizados de acuerdo con la intensidad, la progresión, los temas asociados al problema, los autores, los énfasis temáticos y los marcos teórico-metodológicos. Con el presente artículo se contribuye a la construcción de la disciplina mediante un análisis exhaustivo del estado del arte. En el estudio se identificó una serie de vacíos que evidencian la necesidad de continuar profundizando en un tema decisivo para Colombia, que está lejos de ser resuelto y en el que la disciplina de las Relaciones Internacionales puede ser la clave.
Este trabajo ofrece una revisión detallada del avance del Análisis de Política Exterior (APE) en el campo de las Relaciones Internacionales (RRII), con énfasis en el contexto colombiano. A partir de una metodología basada en la revisión narrativa de literatura especializada, se examinan los avances disciplinares de las RRII en Colombia y la manera en que el APE ha comenzado a consolidarse como una herramienta analítica rigurosa para el estudio de la Política Exterior (pe). Se aborda el recorrido conceptual y práctico del APE, con especial atención en el caso latinoamericano, identificando sus principales aportes, limitaciones y perspectivas. El estudio evidencia que, a pesar de un relativo florecimiento, aún persisten retos estructurales, teóricos y metodológicos que obstaculizan una consolidación plena de este campo de estudio, particularmente en Colombia. En suma, se sostiene que el APE representa una vía prometedora, aunque aún en construcción, para comprender de manera más sistemática la pe en América Latina. Palabras clave: análisis de política exterior; política exterior; América Latina; Colombia.
Motivated by the challenges inherent to integration and coordination in collaborative public governance—particularly in sectors traditionally concentrated in state actors, such as National Defense—this article aims to analyze how relationships are configured among actors operating under different logics and embedded in distinct institutional arrangements, across multiple decision-making layers. To this end, a case study was conducted in the Naval Technological Cluster of Rio de Janeiro, Brazil. The research findings indicate the need to consider new structures capable of shaping actors' behavior and decision-making processes, emphasizing the importance of participatory and effective government, where collaboration plays a central role in constructing socially shared values. Furthermore, the study highlighted that leadership plays a crucial role in addressing structural gaps in managing actors' activities, providing tools for their organization and coordination, and guiding actions within governance arrangements and subsystems. In this context, the research contributes to advancing knowledge on public governance mechanisms, with metagovernance, institutional leadership, and political entrepreneurship emerging as essential foundations for strengthening intersectoral relations.
This article critically examines the state monopoly on the administration of justice from a historical, ciples would have for current systems, given the complex characteristics of contemporary society. The authors respond to this gap by combining historical analysis of the Anglo-Saxon case with tools from economic theory to examine the institutional incentives that emerge in monopolistic systems. Methodologically, a critical analysis of texts is carried out, in which economic theory is subsequently contrasted with empirical data from the Mexican case, revealing an inefficient state justice system with poor pracmaximize personal objectives and resources are not rationally allocated to their most valuable uses. The importance of this work lies in the justification and proposal of a viable alternative: the privatization of justice, which recognizes the right of victims to restitution and allows for multiple modalities to achieve greater efficiency and results oriented toward substantive justice for victims.
This research article aims to conduct a critical analysis of libertarian populism (lP) in Latin America. Libertarianism is a movement that radicalizes the position of the market in society. The rise of presidential leaders linked to this current leads us to question the way in which they develop. lP is the political stance that links the principles of libertarianism and the far right. This style of government involves a reconfiguration of power in the relationship between these sectors. The objective of this work is to recognize the theoretical foundations that constitute libertarianism, its strategic political action, and lP. a) Understanding the assumptions that shape the strategic alliance between libertarians and the far right; b) problematizing the political action strategy promoted by these sectors; c) analyzing the organic structure of this program; and d) presenting some cases in which a libertarian populist style of government is evident; will allow us to problematize the relationship between libertarian populisms and democracy. Finally, following a critical analysis of the Pl, the research findings will demonstrate that the Pl are incompatible with and pose a danger to democracy in Latin America.
This study examines the emergence and characteristics of libertarianism in Bolivia (LB) between 2022 and 2024, based on content analysis of Facebook and Instagram communities and accounts identified as libertarian. The theoretical framework combines contributions on libertarian populism, sov-ereignty, and the far right 2.0, while the methodology organizes the analysis into four dimensions: economic, political-institutional, cultural/discursive, and strategic. The results show that Bolivian LB, although a minority and without consolidated national leadership, has achieved digital visibil-ity through the appropriation of international symbols, the promotion of foreign figures-especially Javier Milei-and the adoption of global communication repertoires such as memes, trolling, and dis-information. The cultural dimension occupies a central place, with recurrent attacks on feminist and LGTBIQ+ groups, inclusive language, and the so-called woke agenda, while economic references are more concise and reactive to the policies of the Movement Toward Socialism (MAS). The absence of solid national references, dependence on the current situation, and the heterogeneity of its digital communities raise questions about the LB's ability to consolidate itself as a structured political actor and not just as a reactive phenomenon on social media.
This article aims to present the main contemporary debates on liberal critiques of multicultural iden-tity politics, with the goal of updating the debate from the 1990s to the present. From a hermeneutic paradigm andbased on a documentary review, the critiques are identified and grouped, whilethe debate is updated along different lines according to their object: i) particularism, absence of common values, and the loss of an open society; ii) primacy of recognition; iii) essentialism and communitarianism; iv) collective, cultural rights and affirmative action; v) reinforcement of power relations; vi) irratio-nalism; vii) obstruction of deliberation; viii) promotion of violence. Finally, it is argued that identity politics is not the cause of the crisis of liberal democracies, but rather the consequence of the unre-solved problems of that regime.
The article analyzes the paradox of libertarianism in power, which, although it proclaims enlightened principles of individual freedom, instrumentalizes the state to benefit corporate interests and deny the ecological crisis. Governments such as those of Trump, Milei, and Bolsonaro are examples of this contradiction, prioritizing economic privileges over environmental sustainability. Two libertarian currents are examined: minarchism, which advocates a minimal state to protect basic rights, and anarcho-capitalism, which rejects all state intervention. Both currents lack the conceptual tools to address ecological justice, reducing nature to private property and rejecting collective regulations. This stance exacerbates the environmental crisis, socializing its costs while privatizing its benefits. The article warns that the void left by libertarianism may favor authoritarian solutions, such as climate apartheid or Malthusian population control. In response, it proposes overcoming libertarian individualism through a post-libertarian ecological justice that recognizes the rights of nature, promotes the collective management of common goods, and integrates scientific and ancestral knowledge. In conclusion, libertarianism in power reveals its inability to address the ecological crisis, requiring new paradigms that reconcile freedom, equity, and sustainability within planetary boundaries. This article is presented as part of the doctoral thesis work within the framework of the Interinstitutional Doctorate in Education at the National Pedagogical University of Colombia.
Francis Yoshihiro Fukuyama (Chicago, 1952) publicó en 1992 el libro The End of History and the Last Man, que pronto se convirtió en best seller. Tras el derrumbe de la Unión Soviética y de los regímenes comunistas de Europa del este, pregonó que había llegado el triunfo final y definitivo del capitalismo de libre mercado, del liberalismo y de las democracias. Daba por finalizada la lucha política, el enfrentamiento entre concepciones sobre la sociedad, sobre la mejor forma de gobierno, el mejor sistema económico y la ideal manera de gestión de la convivencia humana.
This paper investigates the electoral impact of public debt, focusing on the relationship between fiscal policies and the electoral performance of governors in Brazil. Based on two empirical studies of Brazilian states, we argue that debt can have two distinct political effects depending on the timing of its occurrence. Initially, debt can be used by governors as a strategy to increase their political maneuvering space, promoting economic growth and consolidating their electoral base. However, as the debt worsens and austerity measures, such as salary delays, are implemented, the effect on the governors' electoral performance tends to be negative. We tested these hypotheses using data on the accumulated interest on state public debt and the voting outcomes of incumbent governors and their successors. The results show that in the early stages of debt, governors are rewarded at the polls, but as fiscal crises worsen and austerity policies are implemented, governors face severe electoral penalties, especially in municipalities more dependent on public administration.
This article compares Colombia with the rest of Latin American and countries and the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) countries in terms of inequality, poverty, and social protection. To do so, it measures these concepts based on different variables and shows their relation-ship to economic development. Second, it analyzes the inequality between capital and labor and wage divergences in the sampled countries. Third, this study examines the organizational capacity of the labor factor, the scope of collective bargaining, and its link to economic inequality and poverty. Fourth, the levels of social protection and the effectiveness of social spending as a tool to mitigate inequality and poverty should be evaluated . Fifth and finally, it examines the relationship between inequality, poverty, and popular support for a democratic system.
Este artículo investiga el impacto electoral de la deuda pública, centrándose en la relación entre las políticas fiscales y el desempeño electoral de los gobernadores en Brasil. A partir de dos estudios empíricos sobre los estados brasileños, argumentamos que la deuda puede tener dos efectos políticos distintos, dependiendo del momento en que ocurre. En un primer momento, la deuda puede ser utilizada por los gobernadores como una estrategia para aumentar su margen de maniobra, promoviendo el crecimiento económico y consolidando su base electoral. Sin embargo, a medida que la deuda empeora y se implementan medidas de austeridad, como el retraso en los pagos de salarios, el efecto sobre el desempeño electoral de los gobernadores tiende a ser negativo. Probamos estas hipótesis utilizando datos sobre los intereses acumulados de la deuda pública estatal y los resultados electorales de los gobernadores en ejercicio y sus sucesores. Los resultados muestran que, en las etapas iniciales de la deuda, los gobernadores son recompensados en las urnas, pero a medida que las crisis fiscales se agravan y se implementan políticas de austeridad, los gobernadores enfrentan severas penalidades electorales, especialmente en las ciudades más dependientes de la administración pública.
Este artículo analiza la evolución de la política exterior rusa desde el zarismo hasta la era postsoviética, destacando las continuidades y transformaciones a través de las principales etapas de su historia: zarismo, período soviético y postsoviético. La investigación se centra en la pregunta de cómo las ideas de poder personalizado, militarismo e imperialismo han condicionado la proyección internacional de Rusia en diferentes contextos históricos. Utilizando una metodología histórico-conceptual, se examina cómo estas características han interactuado con los factores domésticos y externos para modelar la estrategia internacional del país. Este trabajo también explora cómo la política exterior rusa ha sido influenciada por la ideología, la geopolítica y los intereses estratégicos, enfocándose en el rol de Rusia en la Guerra Fría y en su búsqueda de reposicionarse como potencia global en el siglo XXI.
This article examines state capitalism and militarized infrastructure during the administration of former President Andr & eacute;s Manuel L & oacute;pez Obrador. It takes as an example the renewable energy infrastructure sector, and focuses on the Helax Istmo project, a private Danish investment to produce hydrogen and green ammonia in Ciudad Ixtepec in the state of Oaxaca. This project has the particularity of summarizing the great transformations that have taken place in Southeastern Mexico during his mandate, the changes in regulatory frameworks and the search for foreign investment to promote a green economy, with the Armed Forces as executors and custodians of the infrastructure megaprojects. The main contribution of this research, from a qualitative methodology, is to trace and analyze several elements of this case, in a framework that denounces this militarization promoted by the executive branch. Although the Helax Istmo project has not yet started operations and much less has it generated green hydrogen, it is considered a relevant example, both to illustrate a trend of the past six years, as well as theoretical reflections that help to question the impacts that projects of this nature have on society and the environment.
The construction of gubernatorial candidacies does not follow fixed patterns, nor is it unilaterally deter-mined by either aspirants or political parties-particularly in contexts like Colombia, where both actors possess distinct resources that shape candidacy outcomes. This article investigates how aspirant-party associations are structured through a negotiation process in which the interests and resources of each actor interact to produce different types of candidacy. Drawing on the existing literature, two primary dimensions-aspirant resources and party resources-are identified as central to understanding this process. These dimensions form the basis of a typology that integrates the strategic agency of both parties and aspirants in constructing subnational candidacies, offering four distinct types: mutual-istic, parasitic, party-dominated, and emergent. Employing a qualitative methodology that includes exploratory case examples based on interviews conducted in Quindio and Cundinamarca, this study empirically grounds the proposed typology by analyzing the processes involved in candidacy selection in these contexts. Findings reveal that the alignment (or misalignment) of resources fosters varied associations, resulting in different candidacy types. This article introduces a conceptual framework for examining the processes of subnational candidacy construction for single-member offices, offering a tool for analyzing aspirant-party dynamics in similar electoral settings.
