The aim of this paper is to substantiate the research thesis that neoclassical realism is a useful tool in understanding and analyzing geopolitical global rivalry in the 21st century. Author suggests its plurality and relatively broad possibilities of application, given that it enables the testing of a wide range of variables. Neoclassical realism combines elements of classical realism and neorealism in such a way that it complements neorealist analysis with elements of classical realism and an interest in domestic politics. Foreign policy of the state as a dependent variable is tried to be explained by analyzing independent variables at the structural/systemic level and intervening variables at the unit or state level. To investigate this issue, the Author using a descriptive methodological approach, explains the selected elements of the theory within the rivalry between the USA and China.
The Regional Security Complex Theory (RSCT) recently marked its 20th anniversary since its introduction by Barry Buzan and Ole Wæver. Coincidentally, the Saada wars and broader civil strife in Yemen have persisted for two decades, rendering it one of the most overlooked yet protracted conflicts of the modern era. Historically, Yemen has played a pivotal though ambiguous role in the Middle East – emerging as the region’s first democratic republic while also serving as a hotspot for extremist activity and proxy competition. Despite its internal fragmentation and recurring wars, Yemen continues to influence regional security dynamics, reinforcing the ‘conflict formation’ character of the Middle Eastern Security Complex (MESC). The article introduces the concept of the ‘Yemen complex’ – defined through five interlinked factors: enduring civil strife and Houthi resistance, proxy warfare, terrorism, economic collapse, and maritime security. Using RSCT as the main analytical framework, it examines the Yemen complex’s boundaries, polarity, and amity–enmity structure. The analysis draws on qualitative examination of conflict timelines, military interventions (2015, 2023), and a visual actors–threats–referent objects mapping to track continuity and change in securitisation patterns. The findings show that earlier securitisations centred on Yemen’s homegrown and foreign terrorism have declined in prominence, replaced by heightened concerns over Houthi military empowerment and threats to Red Sea shipping lanes – both contributing to the ‘economisation’ of the Yemen complex. The conflict has also reinforced the multipolar nature of the MESC, partly as a result of the counterproductive consequences of the Saudi-led intervention. In the past two decades, the Yemen complex has evolved into a substructure within the MESC, influencing both regional alignments and global maritime security considerations. Although prospects for peaceful conflict resolution have emerged, external actors remain divided in their strategic objectives. This ongoing fragmentation continues to complicate conflict management and obstructs straightforward policy solutions
Background State identity is a complex topic often analyzed through state roles. While some scholars equate roles with identity, others see roles as part of a broader identity framework. In Lithuanian foreign policy, the Russian Federation is widely considered the main "Other." This article aims to verify this assumption by studying official discourse and to analyze Ukraine's role as an "Other" in comparison to Russia, especially just after February 2022. Methods The study employs content and discourse analysis of public statements made by six Lithuanian presidents from 1994 to 2019, and additional statements from President Nausėda from December 2021 to April 2022. The analysis is conducted inductively, following Bentley B. Allan's approach to discourse analysis, which allows texts to reveal identities without predefined frameworks. Results The analysis identified 82 texts with 108 references to "Others." Russia was the most frequently mentioned "Other," appearing 51 times, predominantly as a negative entity. Ukraine was mentioned 16 times, primarily in a positive context. The frequency of references to Russia increased significantly after 2014, correlating with the situation in Ukraine. The study also found that Lithuania's roles as a promoter of democracy, mediator-advocate, and bridge-junction of civilizations significantly influenced its discourse on Ukraine and Russia. Conclusions Russia remains the most significant "Other" in Lithuanian foreign policy, shaping both state and national identity. Ukraine emerged as an important "Other" after 2014, reflecting Lithuania's roles in international relations. The ongoing war in Ukraine has further solidified Ukraine's position as a friendly "Other," influencing both foreign policy discourse and national identity in Lithuania. Further research is needed to explore the long-term impact of these dynamics.
Amid shifts in the global power structure, the defence industry is emerging as a crucial sector for economic development and national security. It is closely related to the industrial structure and developed in the form of the military-industrial complex (MIC). This article examines South Korea’s defence industry development strategies to explore actionable insights for Poland. By integrating technological advancement with robust support for the defence sector, South Korea has crafted a unique model that strengthens technological autonomy and security in a volatile global economic and political order. The impact of South Korea’s defence industry on its national economy is evident in employment generation, technology innovation, and dynamic partnerships with the private sector, underscoring its role in economic resilience and competitiveness. The article highlights the potential benefits for Poland, which faces its own geopolitical challenges and modernisation needs, in drawing from South Korea’s experiences. With a strategic focus on enhancing civil-defence sector cooperation, technological innovation, and international partnerships, Poland could bolster its industrial growth and defence capabilities, contributing to long-term economic security and regional stability.
The polarized realist debate over the causes of the Russia-Ukraine war and Moscow’s foreign security policy towards its periphery in general exposes the shortcomings of the Waltzian international structure. They include the analytical imprecision inherent to the appraisal of the distribution of capabilities and the capacity to comprehend only a limited number of macro-behaviors. These shortcomings have incited certain scholars to return to classical realism or to introduce unit-level factors within neoclassical realist constructs. Although these endeavors have merits, they distract scholarly attention from questioning our comprehension of the structure. To refine the systemic approach, I argue for a relationalist operationalization of the structure that mobilizes the literature on international hierarchies. Relationalism, as an analytical orientation, directs the inquiry into the transactions and practices that typify relationships between countries. The literature on international hierarchies, for its part, is suitable to comprehend relations of domination and subordination and helps formulate working hypotheses. These hypotheses, tested on the Russia-Ukraine relationship from the mid-2000s to the 2022 conflict, posit that a superordinate asserts influence on a subordinate through the provision of system services, like economic support and security commitments. The failure to satisfy the subordinate’s expectations leads the latter to undertake a rapprochement with extra-regional actors, a move that invites increasingly coercive measures by the superordinate to retain the subordinate under its yoke. The relationalist operationalization helps explore the means used by Moscow to assert influence on Kyiv and sheds a new light on the Russia-Ukraine case. It highlights Russia’s inability to act as a legitimate superordinate and depicts the 2022 invasion as a sign of weakness. It also emphasizes Ukraine’s agency. Western countries’ eastward expansion is reflective of the westward movements of Eastern European countries attracted by better system services. Therefore, Western countries should not be blamed for their eastward expansion but for having failed to deter Russia’s invasion of Ukraine.
Background The goal of this article is to analyse the multilevel judicial system within the EU in the context of the preliminary procedures relating to the issues of same-sex family rights. During the past six years, the CJEU has dealt with major cases touching upon the intersection of fundamental rights (respect for private and family life), EU citizenship law on free movement, and the respect of national/constitutional identity which is guaranteed under art. 4.2 TUE. The common feature of the cases in Coman (C-673/16), VMA (C-490/20) and RPO (C-2/21) is the attempt of EU citizens to challenge administrative decisions of their states’ authorities refusing to recognise the civil law status of members of the same sex family. EU citizens relied on EU law to protect their rights. Methods The article develops a qualitative analysis of both case law and policy measures that shape the approach to recognise the rights of rainbow families in the EU. As a secondary source, the relevant scholarly literature is analysed. Results The results presented in the article show the assumed integrating power of the CJEU judgments, which influence the judicial practice of the member states. The authority of the CJEU, its quasi-normative powers, stretch outside of the mere judicial application of law to find the balance between national identity, public policy, and fundamental rights. Conclusions The CJEU judgments have strengthened the legislative proposals of the Commission aiming at the mutual recognition of parenthood between the Member States.
The decision-making process is a key element of any state's foreign policy analysis. Research on how decisions are made feeds into the research of the Polish foreign policy as a whole and results in a better understanding of its determinants. Based on the analysis of primary sources collected in the archives of the government, the Sejm, the Senate and the President, as well as the statements of decision-makers, this article analyses the decision-making process in Poland's foreign policy between 1992 and 1997. Two George Allison’s models have been applied: the organisational process model (emphasises the formal-institutional dimension of the decision-making process) and the bureaucratic policy model (emphasises the bureaucratic-functional dimension). The article is intended to make it possible to answer the following research questions: How were the decisions taken in Poland's foreign policy, by whom, what mechanisms, formal or informal, were most important and can Allison's models be an effective tool for studying the entire decision-making process, and not only selected decision-making situations? The article proves that although the key decisions in Poland's foreign policy were taken by the Prime Minister together with the Foreign Minister, the influence of the President was also considerable. As a result of the study, it can be concluded that the President played an important role in foreign policy during the period of the Small Constitution. Allison's models can be a tool for analysing processual phenomena, and not only individual decision-making situations. In the case of Poland, one more centre should be taken into account, in addition to the dual executive, i.e. the Sejm and the Senate, which at the time had at least a controlling function. The decision-making process in Poland's foreign policy was clearly dominated by informal components based on parochial communities of values, experiences and an oppositional past.
The aim of this article is to analyse the dynamics and intensity of diplomacy at the highest level in the practice of Poland’s foreign policy after 1989. From the perspective of international law, high-level diplomacy is understood as a form of special diplomatic mission. A defining characteristic of such a mission is the status of the individual leading it. Diplomatic studies, meanwhile, employ the concept of summit diplomacy. For the purposes of this article, the term diplomacy at the highest level will be used, as it integrates both the international legal perspective and the approach of diplomatic studies. In the article the relationship between a state’s stage of development and the intensity of its presidents’ international activity is examined. The following research questions are posed: (1) What was the intensity of international activity by Polish presidents? (2) What were the factors influencing the international activity of individual Polish presidents? The theoretical framework of this article is interdisciplinary, combining international legal approaches, diplomatic studies, and political science perspectives. The adopted research strategy allows for the use of both quantitative methods (quantitative data analysis) and qualitative methods (comparative method and case study). The paper concludes that the most active period of the presidency after 1989 was characterized by significant events, such as accession to the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation and the European Union, which undoubtedly required increased efforts on the international stage. Additionally, three main types of factors influencing the international activity of Polish presidents after 1989 can be identified: internal factors – relating to the President’s position within the constitutional system; international factors – connected to the state of the global environment; subjective factors – such as the President’s knowledge and understanding of international affairs.
This article explores the history of relations between Ukraine and Belarus from 2014 to 2020, highlighting the last period of improved ties between Aleksandr Lukashenko and both official Kyiv and the EU. Lukashenko successfully leveraged the events of Euromaidan and the onset of Russian aggression against Ukraine to portray himself as a "third party" acceptable to both sides of the Russian-Ukrainian conflict and to EU countries. The establishment of Minsk as a negotiating post resulted in the lifting of EU sanctions, and economic cooperation between Belarus and Ukraine grew during this time. Although Lukashenko accomplished his immediate objectives, this era ultimately failed to foster robust Belarusian-Ukrainian relations or to liberalize the conditions within Belarus. Furthermore, on February 24, 2022, Belarus emerged as an aggressor state against Ukraine, marking the end of the thaw in bilateral relations that had occurred from 2014 to 2020.
When analyzing current international relations, it is necessary to move beyond the frames of the central state, as non-state agents, including the media, may have a significant influence in this area. These factors influence political decision makers through their influence on international and national public opinion. This article presents the results of a frame analysis of how the war in Ukraine was reported on horizontal news websites in Poland, onet.pl and wp.pl, during the first year of the conflict. The goal of the present research was to define the presence and method of using the frame of human interest. When analyzing the journalistic material, we used a quantitative, but above all, a qualitative analysis of the content. The study sample included 1,200 items. According to these assumptions, the newsrooms of both news services most often employed the conflict frame, and their second most frequently employed frame was human interest. This was constructed by invoking the experiences of the units or groups. The websites’ materials containing the human interest frame saw the presence of personalization, dramatization, and emotionalization. In wp.pl’s and onet.pl’s texts containing the human interest frame and related to the war in Ukraine, we identified three categories of hero: victim, enemy, and hero. Both outlets were most frequently reported by the victims. The means of using the category of hero in press materials were similar, as were the differentiation of the categories of actors in the texts.
The aim of article is to analyze the importance of migration in EU cooperation with the Kingdom of Morocco. Although population flows in the Mediterranean region are a constant phenomenon, their nature and intensity have changed. The specific nature of this region as an area of many disparities makes it a ‘problematic space’ of enormous importance for the entire planet. The complexity of changes in the region may in future lead to mass migration, which no country or organization will be able to cope with on its own. Two hypotheses were verified in order to achieve the research objective. The first assumes that the European model of migration management in the Mediterranean region is causing a change in the functioning of Arab societies, as exemplified by Morocco. The second hypothesis assumes that the intensification of EU cooperation with the Kingdom in the field of migration is a manifestation of external Europeanisation, which is undergoing gradual institutionalization. In the study, both the traditional theoretical perspective of subject analysis (E. Lee’s push-pull theory) and the new generation of migration theories (I. Wallerstein’s center-periphery system theory) proved helpful. Theoretical triangulation was supported by the process of combining methods (quantitative and qualitative). The quantitative strategy is manifested in the use of statistical techniques, while the qualitative strategy is evident in numerous references to the statements of people involved in decision-making regarding the matter. However, factor analysis was crucial for identifying the main variables determining the parties to change the way of cooperation in the field of migration. The study provided the basis for three conclusions. Firstly, in view of the growing threats affecting the Mediterranean, EU cooperation with Morocco on migration management is taking on new importance for the security and stability of the entire area. Secondly, the process of Europeanisation that has been taking place in Morocco since decolonization has led to the evolution and a high degree of convergence with the Western model of migration policy implementation in that country. Thirdly, we are witnessing the development of a 'Euro-Mediterranean migration policy,' whose central country ensuring its effectiveness will be Morocco.
Background This research examines the impact of competitive European research and development funding—specifically from the European Union’s Seventh Framework Programme and Horizon 2020—on regional economic growth, research capacities, and innovation performance across NUTS2 regions, representing mid-level administrative divisions within European Union Member States. Given the persistent disparities in research and innovation output between more and less developed regions, we focus on how these funding mechanisms influence economic and scientific development, particularly in less developed and peripheral regions. While European Union research programs aim to foster knowledge production and technological advancement, their role in mitigating regional inequalities and supporting economic convergence remains an open question. Methods To assess the effects of European Union Research and Development (EU R&D) funding, we conduct a quantitative analysis using data from Eurostat, PATSTAT, Web of Science, and the European Commission’s CORDIS database. We measure changes in three key indicators —publication output, patent applications, and GDP per capita— between 2011 and 2022. GDP per capita, representing a region’s total economic output divided by its population, is a key indicator of regional economic performance. Ordinary least squares regression models are employed to evaluate the relationship between funding intensity and regional research and economic development, controlling for factors such as regional R&D investments, international collaboration, and initial economic conditions. Results Our findings reveal significant and persistent interregional disparities in research and innovation outcomes. While participation in European Union’s Seventh Framework Programme and Horizon 2020 is associated with stronger research capacities in already well-developed regions, no significant relationship is found between EU-funded R&D and increases in publications or patents at an aggregate level. However, a positive correlation emerges between EU R&D funding and GDP growth in less developed regions, suggesting that while direct scientific outputs may not always materialize, economic benefits arise through alternative channels such as small and medium-sized enterprise (SME) engagement, infrastructure improvements, and knowledge diffusion. Conclusions The study highlights the broader implications of transnational funding frameworks for regional economic convergence within the EU. Despite limited effects on immediate research outputs in less developed regions, competitive EU R&D programs contribute to economic resilience in lagging regions, raising important considerations for multi-level governance and international cooperation. These results align with debates in International Relations regarding the role of supra-national institutions in shaping equitable economic outcomes and addressing structural imbalances across Member States. As EU funding strategies evolve, a more integrated approach that strengthens innovation ecosystems in underperforming regions could enhance European research policy's inclusivity and long-term impact.
The polarized realist debate over the causes of the Russia-Ukraine war and Moscow’s foreign security policy towards its periphery in general exposes the shortcomings of the Waltzian international structure. They include the analytical imprecision inherent to the appraisal of the distribution of capabilities and the capacity to comprehend only a limited number of macro-behaviors. These shortcomings have incited certain scholars to return to classical realism or to introduce unit-level factors within neoclassical realist constructs. Although these endeavors have merits, they distract scholarly attention from questioning our comprehension of the structure. To refine the systemic approach, I argue for a relationalist operationalization of the structure that mobilizes the literature on international hierarchies. Relationalism, as an analytical orientation, directs the inquiry into the transactions and practices that typify relationships between countries. The literature on international hierarchies, for its part, is suitable to comprehend relations of domination and subordination and helps formulate working hypotheses. These hypotheses, tested on the Russia-Ukraine relationship from the mid-2000s to the 2022 conflict, posit that a superordinate asserts influence on a subordinate through the provision of system services, like economic support and security commitments. The failure to satisfy the subordinate’s expectations leads the latter to undertake a rapprochement with extra-regional actors, a move that invites increasingly coercive measures by the superordinate to retain the subordinate under its yoke. The relationalist operationalization helps explore the means used by Moscow to assert influence on Kyiv and sheds a new light on the Russia-Ukraine case. It highlights Russia’s inability to act as a legitimate superordinate and depicts the 2022 invasion as a sign of weakness. It also emphasizes Ukraine’s agency. Western countries’ eastward expansion is reflective of the westward movements of Eastern European countries attracted by better system services. Therefore, Western countries should not be blamed for their eastward expansion but for having failed to deter Russia’s invasion of Ukraine.
During the Justice and Development Party (AKP) government, the rise of religion in Turkish diplomacy was noted. It was assumed that by fulfilling specific functions, religions are fundamental to implementing the main principle of the state's foreign policy. Religion can become an instrument for assessing influence in the international arena, expanding its influence regionally, and also an instrument for dependent projection. Subsequent mediations and events in the dialogue between the Republic's civilizations are aimed at stabilizing new areas and providing important elements of a geopolitical "player." Its goal was also to shape a new global balance of power. The organization was attributed to religion, which is subject to the influence of the AKP government and President (formerly Prime Minister) Erdoğan. This publication describes, specifies, and discusses the functions of religion in Turkish diplomacy. It addresses the question of whether religion figures in the country's foreign policy decisions. The following research methods and techniques were employed in this paper. Factor analysis were conducted to identify the determinants of religion’s use in Turkish diplomacy. In this context, ideological, socio-political, historical, and geo-political factors were considered paramount Content analysis of documents—in this case, excerpts from the Constitution of the Republic of Turkey—allowed for the identification of the significance and role of Islam in society. An analysis of the state of the literature and research was applied to the collected empirical material and its subsequent verification.
Mexico and the countries of the Visegrad Group (V4: the Czech Republic/Czechia, Hungary, Poland, and Slovakia) are geographically distant countries. However, both parties share similar characteristics and problems. Although Mexico is the second-largest trading partner of the V4 states in the Americas, following the United States (US), their cooperative relations remain rather tenuous, despite the considerable potential for expansion. This paper pursues four objectives. First, it examines the current state of cooperative relations between Mexico and the V4. Second, it investigates the problems and challenges shared by both parties. Third, it analyzes Mexico’s relations with the European Union (EU), particularly since the entry into force of the Global Agreement - formally titled the Economic Partnership, Political Coordination and Cooperation Agreement between the European Community and its Member States, of the one part, and the United Mexican States, of the other part. Fourth, it identifies the variables that hinder the further development of cooperation between Mexico and the V4. The research hypothesis assumes that Mexico and the V4 countries are highly dependent on their geographically proximate political and economic powers, which, to some extent, constrains the deepening of Mexico-V4 relations. Moreover, these relations are primarily grounded in economic links and in cooperation based on “soft power” capacities, particularly in the scientific and academic spheres.
This paper analyses Belarus’s evolving international position in the context of the first three years of the full-scale Russo-Ukrainian war (2022–2025). Although Belarus did not participate in direct combat operations, it offered Russia logistical and political support. At the same time, the Belarusian regime sought to maintain an image of neutrality and present itself as a potential mediator. Drawing on structural realism and dependency theory, the paper examines how alignment with Russia has resulted in the consolidation of Belarus’s strategic dependence, transforming Belarus into a de facto client state. Special attention is given to changes in Belarus’s relations with both Russia and Western partners. The findings suggest that Belarus’s capacity for multi-vector diplomacy has been effectively eliminated, while its international marginalisation has intensified. The war served as a catalyst that not only entrenched Minsk’s subordination to Moscow but also reduced the likelihood of any return to strategic autonomy in the foreseeable future.
In 2017, relations between Australia and China faced a severe crisis that plunged the bilateral relations for years to come. It strengthened the Australian perception of China as a source of insecurity. Australia was no longer able to separate economic interests from security and strategic concerns in relations with China. The simultaneous “push and pull” processes of securitization and desecuritization will be taken into consideration as Australia paradoxically is simultaneously securitizing and desecuritizing China at the same time. The article focuses on the broader determinants of securitization and desecuritizaton nexus reflecting the assumption that Australia, since 2017, will be in the situation of recurring securitizing moves toward China associated with the attempts to return to “normal” policy (“politicization”).
Georg Schwarzenberger’s examination of the ‘standard of civilization’ is one of the most prominent aspects of his theory of International Relations. It is connected to his account of the role of power in international society and its influence on international law, and offers a nuanced perspective of the role of civilization in international society. Rather than dismiss international law as something that is purely begotten to national interests, Schwarzenberger depicts it as something that can, under the right conditions, can rise above them. At the same time, he accounts for the role of power and politics within it. This paper re-discovers Schwarzenberger’s analysis of the standard of civilization. Through a detailed examination of his works, it unveils the ethical and moral aspects of his realist theory and works, which challenge the conventional portrayal of realism as a theory devoid of ethics. This paper also engages with Schwarzenberger’s account of this concept and highlights its contemporary relevance. It does this through a joint analysis of the literature that has arisen following the start of the Russo-Ukrainian war concerning arms control and disarmament, which exemplify the nuances of Schwarzenberger’s conceptualization of the standard of civilization. In doing this, the paper reveals the joint and often conflicting roles of ethics, morality, and power on international law. The paper concludes by asking whether there can be a scope for law in a sphere as permeated by power as international society. It highlights how Schwarzenberger’s reading of the standard of civilization reveals its paradoxical nature, whereby the necessities of war are a facet of state sovereignty whilst the laws of humanity being linked to the standard of civilization. In doing this, the paper argues for the necessity of paying attention to both rather than one or the other.
Background The article examines India’s position towards the BRICS expansion. India is one of the pillars of BRICS; without New Delhi, this organization almost loses its raison d'être. For India, BRICS is just one of many tools of international politics, one of many multilateral formats, certainly not a key one. Indian External Affairs Minister S. Jaishankar named BRICS one of the “plethora of ad hoc arrangements”. To examine India’s position on BRICS expansion is crucial to understand any further development of this group. Methods The article is a study on international relations and it is using qualitative research methodology, reviewing official statements, media news and more in-depth policy descriptive texts, published by leading Indian think-tanks to understand the meaning of the actions taken by the Government of India – the key actor in this context – in reference to BRICS expansion. Results The study finds that for New Delhi, it is very important that this group does not transform into an organization supporting the People's Republic of China or an openly anti-Western caucus. More and more countries express their will to join BRICS. In 2023 at the Johannesburg Summit six countries were invited to join. The following year, at the Kazan Summit, a group of states were invited as “partner countries”. These two decisions to expand BRICS aroused mixed feelings in New Delhi, despite its officially declared openness. Conclusion India, under Narendra Modi, is trying to pursue an increasingly assertive foreign policy. It is using various formats, including the G20, to emphasize its national interests. One of them is the reform of the UN in order for India to get a permanent seat in the Security Council. In this context, BRICS can sometimes be useful for New Delhi.
The analysis of the soft power of terrorist organizations contributes to the broader debate on the transformation of power in contemporary international relations. Changes can be observed in the mechanisms controlling processes that occur in the international environment, as well as in the patterns of power distribution among various participants of international relations. Adopting the descriptive and correlational methods of research, based on desk research and literature review in this article the authors adopted a conceptual and analytical approach to examine the essence and specificity of soft power in the context of terrorist organizations. The analysis first explores the multidimensional structure of soft power and the concept of power diffusion, assuming that terrorist organizations benefit from these processes. Subsequently, it identifies the specific resources of soft power used by these actors and the mechanisms through which they are projected. The article elaborated on case studies to showcase that soft power is harnessed by terrorists across ideological hues. The case studies analyzed include: Red Army Faction, Boko Haram, ISIS. The study demonstrates that terrorist organizations systematically employ various soft power instruments and tools, including ideology, symbolism, media strategies, and community outreach, to enhance their legitimacy, attract recruits, and support political narratives. These mechanisms complement hard-power tactics and are increasingly professionalized. In conclusion, the authors state that soft power has become an integral element of terrorist strategy, operating alongside coercive methods. Thus, understanding the sources and applications of this form of influence provides insights into the evolving nature of non-state power in international relations and highlights the need for counterterrorism approaches that address both physical threats and ideological narratives.
