As cultural institutions, museums serve as vital vehicles for international cultural exchange, allowing the general public to understand a nation’s culture and history. In recent years, museums have begun to exert increasingly significant cultural influence on the global stage and play an indispensable role in building national soft power. The concept of museum diplomacy has gradually emerged as a focal point within academic circles; this relatively new subfield of international relations reflects the growing recognition of culture as a strategic resource. This paper aims to analyze the role of museum diplomacy in shaping national soft power, exploring how museums promote mutual understanding and exchange between nations through international cooperation and practice. Using China and the United States as case studies, it elucidates the practical pathways and insights of museum diplomacy in enhancing national image and expanding cultural influence, supplemented by a brief analysis of Mongolia’s potential for development
Since declaring independence, Kazakhstan has actively pursued foreign direct investment as a central component of its economic development strategy. Over more than three decades, the country has accumulated an FDI inward stock of approximately USD 151.3 billion, accounting for about 70% of total FDI in Central Asia. Kazakhstan’s position as the region’s leading recipient of foreign investment is shaped by a combination of domestic institutional factors and external geopolitical conditions. This article examines the key features of Kazakhstan’s investment policy, with particular attention to the legal framework, institutional mechanisms, and policy instruments that underpin its investment ecosystem.
This study explores how Mongolia, a small state located between Russia and China, integrates cultural and behavioral factors into its foreign policy. With a deep-rooted nomadic heritage and strong spiritual traditions, Mongolia emphasizes national identity, respect, and consensus in its diplomatic conduct. The research applies Hofstede’s cultural dimensions, the Big Five personality traits model, and a systematic literature review of Mongolian, Russian, and foreign sources to assess the role of culture and behavior in foreign policy. Findings reveal that Mongolia leverages cultural diplomacy by promoting its heritage through festivals, exhibitions, and international cooperation in culture, education, and science. These efforts also support tourism and foster soft power. Mongolia’s openness to other cultures, combined with values such as unity, justice, and respect, informs a diplomatic style focused on mutual understanding and balanced engagement. Behavioral coherence and intercultural sensitivity enhance Mongolia’s ability to navigate international relations despite limited economic or military power. The study underscores that Mongolia’s foreign policy is shaped not only by strategic interests but also by deeply ingrained cultural and behavioral traits. As global dynamics shift, Mongolia’s unique approach helps it maintain sovereignty, build partnerships, and strengthen its international presence.
The strategic significance of People's Republic of Mongolia during World War II has long occupied a marginal position in Chinese academic research concerning the history of war and regional politics. The existing literature on this subject is characterized by a lack of independence and systematicity in analysis. This paper utilizes a systematic approach to reviewing and analyzing extant Chinese academic literature to establish a link between the overall structure and the detailed research. It also assesses how Chinese academics recognize the functional role of People's Republic of Mongolia in the Soviet Union's military-strategic system, starting from three representative wartime scenarios. First, in the Battle of Khalkhin Gol, although People's Republic of Mongolia was not the main attacking force, it provided key support at the level of tactical coordination and strategic pivot. Secondly, within the context of the wartime material and personnel support system, People's Republic of Mongolia established a logistical support system encompassing material resources, financial logistics, human capital, and institutionalized assistance. This system functioned as a critical component for the Soviet military to sustain its combat depth. In the North Chahar Campaign, People's Republic of Mongolia's military forces exhibited notable mobility and efficiency in their coordinated advancement. This paper posits that, despite the preliminary findings in the research on the role of People's Republic of Mongolia in Chinese academia, there are deficiencies in the sources of historical materials, analytical perspectives, and regional subjectivity awareness. In light of these limitations, this paper attempts to propose a systematic research framework to promote the advancement of the study of the strategic role of People's Republic of Mongolia in World War II.
The article set out to find answers to two main questions. First, to find out if there is a link or relationship between the environment and peace and security? And, second, to ascertain the impacts of environmental crises on human life and progress? These two questions were answered. In the first case, the paper found out that there is a credible link between the environment and peace and security. In environments where there are conflicts and crises, it was found out that there is usually a lack or an absence of peace and security. In such environments were wars and conflicts are ongoing, it was found out that there are also adverse effects on the environment itself, such as soil, water and air pollution from the discharge of ammunition and bombs for instance. In the second case, the paper found out that environmental crises has a negative impact on human lives and stifles progress. In environments with poor sanitation and in an unhygienic state, human creativity and ingenuity is held back and insecurity blossoms. The paper ended with several recommendations among which is the creation or development of more binding environmental treaties with the aim of securing, protecting and preserving our environment for future generations to enjoy it in peace and security.
This paper examines the evolution of Mongolia–United States relations through the lens of Mongolia’s ‘Third Neighbor Policy,’ with particular attention to the influence of the United States’ Indo-Pacific Strategy. Mongolia’s security is influenced both positively and negatively depending on how the country develops its relations with its two neighbors and with highly developed nations of the East and the West, as well as how it maintains a balance among their respective interests. Mongolia faces the challenge of navigating the geopolitical dynamics between its two powerful neighbors, China and Russia, while also fostering relations with nations such as the United States and those in the European Union. This requires a delicate diplomatic strategy to ensure that no single influence dominates its foreign policy. Additionally, Mongolia must address internal pressures and economic dependencies that can arise from unequal partnerships, ensuring that its sovereignty and national interests remain protected. Therefore, studying the United States’ policy in Asia—one of the world’s major powers—and the alignment of its interests with Mongolia is essential for defining Mongolia’s policy toward the U.S. In contrast, U.S. policy toward the Asia-Pacific region has consistently included engagement with Mongolia. The terminology and concept of that regional framework were revised under President Trump’s administration, and the U.S. government’s policy toward the region was renamed the Indo-Pacific Strategy. Despite Mongolia and the United States having interacted for more than a century, diplomatic relations were established in 1987, and were elevated to the status of a “Strategic Partnership” in 2019. It is the purpose of this short article to outline the distinctive characteristics of their historical relations, the current situation, and the prospects for the future.
Mongolia first signed an Economic Partnership Agreement (EPA) with Japan, its third neighbor, major investor, and key strategic partner, in 2016, and subsequently joined the Asia-Pacific Trade Agreement in 2021. Currently, discussions are underway to conclude an Economic Partnership Agreement (EPA) with the Republic of Korea and an interim agreement on the Eurasian Economic Union. Although Mongolia has the resources to use such international and interstate agreements, the lack of industrial development limits the possibility of implementing such agreements. Since the establishment of the Mongolia-Japan Economic Partnership Agreement, the trade deficit between Mongolia and Japan has not decreased but has increased year by year, reflecting that the main obstacle facing Mongolia in expanding trade with Japan is the issue of transportation costs. The two sides have been regularly discussing the opportunities and challenges to increase the benefits of the agreement, which is the source of the successful implementation of this agreement in the future. In line with the process in this article, an attempt has been made to analyze the current status and future trend, common challenges, and implications of the Economic Partnership Agreement (EPA) with a third neighbor, Japan.
This paper examines Russia’s evolving Arctic policy amid shifting global dynamics, emphasizing its strategic pivot toward Asia’s growing influence and the resulting regional transformations. As Western sanctions and NATO tensions isolate Moscow, Russia has intensified the development of the Northern Sea Route, energy projects, and Arctic infrastructure while deepening partnerships with Asian states such as China and India. Using a qualitative policy and document analysis informed by geoeconomics and resource nationalism, the study explores how these collaborations, exemplified by projects like Yamal LNG, reflect Asia’s expanding role in Arctic governance and resource development. It highlights the contradictions between sovereignty and dependency in Russia’s Arctic strategy and considers potential opportunities for Mongolia’s engagement, including possible observer status in the Arctic Council. The paper argues that the Arctic is shifting from a region dominated by coastal states to one increasingly shaped by Asian economic and strategic interests
This study examines the evolution of political relations between Mongolia and Kazakhstan since the establishment of diplomatic ties in 1992. It analyzes how both countries, emerging from post-socialist transitions, gradually deepened their partnership- from initial consolidation to strategic alignment. By situating bilateral developments within broader regional and international dynamics, the study identifies the main factors shaping cooperation and evaluates their significance for small-state diplomacy in Central Asia. The analysis draws on political documents, high-level visits and their outcomes, official negotiations, and socio-political developments in both countries since the early 1990s. The development of Mongolia–Kazakhstan political relations can be understood through three historical phases: the first phase (1992-2008) was characterized by stable and steadily strengthening relations; the second phase (2009-2018) saw a slowdown yet continued stabilization; and the third phase (2019-present) marked a period of more active, dynamic, and intensified cooperation. Tracing these shifts reveals how bilateral interaction evolved in response to domestic transformations and changes in the regional environment. Overall, the study highlights how Mongolia and Kazakhstan have expanded cooperation, elevated their ties to a Strategic Partnership, and exercised diplomatic agency characteristic of small states seeking to enhance regional stability and diversify foreign relations.
The Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) has evolved as a regionally important and internationally attractive regional organization. Albeit its inherent challenges of dealing with competitive interests of great powers, regional powers, and Central Asia states, the SCO has become well institutionalized as an organization, endured during the global pandemics and geopolitical tensions, and kept its focus on Central Asia. Mongolia had been welcomed by its two powerful members, China and Russia, to become a full member of the organization, but this invitation was not uniformly endorsed by Mongolian political leaders, pundits, and even the public. This resulted in an observer status. However, last September, the SCO merged both observer and partner statuses - ending Mongolia’s unique status of the observer. This article argues a key reason for Mongolia’s hesitance in joining the SCO is its explicit regional identification with East Asia, not Central Asia. We will discuss Mongolia's involvement during different phases of the organizational evolution, analyze the internal debate about the country’s membership, and present our explanation of contemporary Mongolia’s identification with the East Asian region.
This study examines the complex relationships between economic factors and conflict-related variables in 19 conflict-affected countries (e.g., Afghanistan, Colombia, Democratic Republic of the Congo, Sudan, and Yemen) from 2000 to 2023. Using data from the World Bank, we analyze the interactions between foreign direct investment (FDI), GDP per capita growth, internally displaced persons (IDPs), military expenditures, and combat-related fatalities. The results suggest that FDI has a moderately positive effect on GDP growth, especially in countries with stable governance and institutional frameworks (e.g., Israel, Colombia). However, persistent instability and governance challenges (e.g., Iraq, DRC) significantly deter FDI inflows and undermine growth prospects. The negative correlation between IDPs and GDP growth highlights the economic costs of displacement, driven by human capital losses, labor market disruptions, and resource strains, as evidenced in Sudan and the DRC. Military spending, while associated with reductions in IDPs and combat deaths, shows no significant direct effect on GDP growth, suggesting that the opportunity costs of defense spending may hinder long-term economic development in conflict-prone regions. The strong correlation between combat deaths and IDPs perpetuates cycles of violence and displacement, contributing to economic stagnation, as observed in Ethiopia and Afghanistan. Regression analysis identifies FDI as a key predictor of growth, although its impact is moderated by contextual factors such as governance quality and infrastructure development (with a low R² of 0.290, indicating the influence of other unexamined variables). These findings highlight the heterogeneous impact of conflict on economic development and underscore the need for context-specific policy interventions that focus on governance reforms, human capital recovery, and conflict prevention to break the cycle of violence and underdevelopment.
The current international situation is transforming rapidly, becoming more unstable and unpredictable. Major transitions and changes occurring in international relations and geopolitics. Unfavorable military and political factors have increased at the regional security theaters; therefore, the international security environment has worsened. In the Northeast Asian region, the geopolitical situation caused by the new "Cold War" still prevails. Northeast Asia contains economically developed relatively well-integrated countries but lacks the confidence-building mechanism and security cooperation. Now the Northeast Asian region is considered as the region with the highest probability of armed conflict arising from disputed territorial issues.
This study looks at the evolution of war and peace concepts from 1800 to 2024, assessing how global political shifts, technology advancements, and shifting societal standards have shaped these key concepts. By examining significant historical events and shifts in the international landscape, the study hopes to provide a complete picture of how conceptions of war and peace have evolved over time and continue to impact contemporary international relations. The study helps to provide a better grasp of these dynamic notions in our modern, interconnected world.
Throughout the modern history of Mongolia, which dates from 1911s, Mongolia sought to defend its independence and sovereignty. After declaring its independence in 1921, Mongolia did not want to be involved in any conflict and tried to be as neutral as possible. However, due to unfavorable international conditions and rivalry among big powers, Mongolia had fallen under the Soviet protectorate from 1921 to 1990s. Having felt immense pressure from both neighbors, neutrality is not new for Mongolia. Due to its unique geographic location, Mongolia has been within the interests of two neighbors which did not allow it to be neutral. Only since the 1990s, Mongolia conducted its own foreign policy. The neutrality was in focus again. Mongolia made many efforts towards neutrality, which adds broader meaning to neutrality. In order to be secure Mongolia has been trying many options towards security assurance through domestic laws, bilateral international agreements and UN resolutions. Mongolia’s nuclear neutrality is closely related to its unique location. There is no other country than Mongolia, which is sandwiched between two nuclear weapon powers, the permanent members of the UN Security Council. This article suggests that Mongolia’s nuclear-weapon-free status can be recognized as one of the options of neutrality in case of nuclear threat or nuclear war.
The economic and social development of Mongolia is highly dependent on global market conditions, international economic trends, and the environment for foreign investment. The country’s economic growth has primarily relied on the production of the mining and mineral resources sector. The mining sector occupies a significant position in Mongolia’s industrial production. Furthermore, mining and extractive industries make a substantial contribution to tax revenues in Mongolia's unified state budget. Export revenues from products such as copper concentrate, coal, iron ore, and fluorspar play a vital role in funding the state budget. Over the past decade, the share of the mining sector in GDP, unified state budget revenues, and total exports has increased, while its share in industrial production and total imports has shown a declining trend. These changes have been influenced by unfavorable global economic conditions, declining prices of mineral resources in international markets, and factors such as the COVID-19 pandemic. Except for copper concentrate, Mongolia predominantly exports raw mining products without further processing. Therefore, to implement the goals outlined in the country's long-term development policy, “VISION-2050”, the government needs to take more resolute and consistent measures to process mining products domestically.
This study explores the potential for advancing Mongolia-Türkiye relations to the level of "Strategic Partnership" through a detailed examination of political interactions. Since the establishment of diplomatic ties in 1969, the relationship between the two countries has been characterized by high-level political visits, economic cooperation, and cultural exchanges. Despite these positive developments, there remains a significant gap in research concerning the mechanisms and strategies necessary to elevate the partnership to a fully-fledged strategic level. The article examines the key drivers of this evolving relationship, including diplomatic missions, mutual cultural interests, with a particular focus on high-level visits and their impact on the bilateral relationship. Through a review of historical milestones, and diplomatic engagements, this study offers insights into the current state of the partnership, challenges such as trade imbalances and economic dependence, and opportunities for future cooperation. Ultimately, the study concludes that the Mongolia-Türkiye relationship holds significant potential for advancement to a Strategic Partnership. By building on past achievements and leveraging shared cultural ties, trade, and tourism, the relationship could be strengthened, offering long-term mutual benefits for both nations.
When the Russian President Vladimir Putin made world shocking visit to International Criminal Court member state for the first time since his arrest warrant in 2023. One of his visit purposes was to commemorate 85th anniversary of Khalkhiin gol War. After a fall of Soviet Union, Soviet-satellite country faced their own destiny to run sovereign foreign policy without directive from Kremlin. Mongolia has unique geographic setting, located between two authoritarian nuclear power competing with the west. Mongolian diplomats effectively used their favorable period as two neighbors not paying strong attention to their buffer state to find long lasting solution for security assurance. The country chosen neutral, multi pillared, open and peaceful foreign policy principles through political-diplomatic means. After 85 years, international atmosphere becoming more dismal and even risky for small and medium states. Current situation highlights importance of studying the geopolitical settings and consequences of Khalkhiin Gol War. Following paper discusses prewar geopolitical settings and causes using bargaining theory.
The Third Neighbor Policy is a strategic foreign policy approach adopted by Mongolia to diversify its international partnerships beyond its immediate neighbors, China and Russia. This policy aims to enhance Mongolia's economic, political, and security ties with countries outside its immediate region, reducing dependence on neighboring giants and enhancing strategic autonomy. The United States has become an important "third neighbor" for Mongolia, with the two countries establishing a strategic partnership focusing on areas such as trade, clean energy, and aviation. While there are similarities and differences in the implementation of the Third Neighbor Policy by other countries, Mongolia should continue to pursue this approach in the future to enhance its strategic autonomy. The policy holds promising future opportunities for Mongolia to expand cooperation in various sectors, particularly in terms of economic cooperation.
Since 1990, Mongolia has been moving from a planned economy to a market economy for more than 30 years, revolutionizing the social order and adopting democratic methods. Over the past few years, Mongolia's social, economic and political development studies have produced specific assessments and conclusions. These articles explore Mongolia's development, characteristics, participation in the Belt and Road Initiative launched by the People's Republic of China, its benefits, its impact on the present state of Mongolia's society and the obstacles it faces. The paper presents the results of research into four main groups: common reasons, cause-effect, solution-effect and conclusions.
