Abstract Recently, the socio‐economic agenda of populist radical right parties (PRRPs) has attracted growing scholarly interest, yet many studies focus specifically on positions on welfare policies. It is often argued that economic issues are of secondary importance to PRRPs, or that their positions are deliberately blurred to maximize electoral appeal. This article qualifies these assumptions by showing that PRRPs' economic policies are underpinned by a more consistent ideological logic than is commonly acknowledged. Drawing on a longitudinal qualitative analysis of four established PRRPs in Belgium, France, Italy and the Netherlands, we examine party positions across five economic policy domains. We find that PRRPs combine pro‐market commitments with nationalist‐protectionist elements. These issue positions are rendered coherent through a recurring repertoire of interpretative frames – economic chauvinism, populism and producerism – which operate as higher‐level justificatory schemata. These frames provide an enduring discursive structure through which PRRPs reconcile flexibility in policy content with ideological coherence.
Electoral systems in deeply divided societies are pivotal for peace and stability among ethno-national groups. Consociationalism and centripetalism are the most widespread approaches from which derive the major incentives for electoral systems in deeply divided, dyadic societies. The article discusses electoral dysfunctionalities in dyadic societies and defends a new electoral system which incorporates centripetal cross-ethnic voting elements to be applied to consociational power-sharing arrangements. In order to prevent the largest ethnic groups from electing representatives of dominant minority groups to collective institutions, this electoral system offers a safeguard mechanism through electoral weights aligned with population census. The model is based on the conceptual framework of power-sharing democracies in deeply divided societies. To test the validity and necessity of this electoral model, this paper compares the regional cases of Bern, Cyprus, and the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Wahlsysteme in tief gespaltenen Gesellschaften sind entscheidend f & uuml;r Frieden und Stabilit & auml;t zwischen ethnonationalen Gruppen. Konsoziationalismus und Zentripetalismus sind die am weitesten verbreiteten Ans & auml;tze, von denen die wichtigsten Anreize f & uuml;r Wahlsysteme in tief gespaltenen, dyadischen Gesellschaften ausgehen. Der Artikel er & ouml;rtert elektorale Dysfunktionalit & auml;ten in dyadischen Gesellschaften und pl & auml;diert f & uuml;r ein neues Wahlsystem, das zentripetale, ethnien & uuml;bergreifende Abstimmelemente enth & auml;lt, die auf konsoziationalistische Machtteilungsvereinbarungen anzuwenden sind. Um zu verhindern, dass die gr & ouml;ssten ethnischen Gruppen die Vertreter: innen dominanter Minderheitengruppen in kollektive Institutionen w & auml;hlen, bietet dieses Wahlsystem einen Schutzmechanismus durch Stimmgewichte, die am Zensus ausgerichtet sind. Das Modell basiert auf dem Konzept der Machtteilungsdemokratie in tief gespaltenen Gesellschaften. Um die Validit & auml;t und Notwendigkeit dieses elektoralen Modells zu pr & uuml;fen, vergleicht dieser Artikel die regionalen F & auml;lle Bern, Zypern und die F & ouml;deration Bosnien und Herzegowina. Les syst & egrave;mes & eacute;lectoraux au sein des soci & eacute;t & eacute;s profond & eacute;ment divis & eacute;es sont essentiels & agrave; la paix et & agrave; la stabilit & eacute; entre les groupes ethno-nationaux. Le consociationnalisme et le centrip & eacute;talisme constituent les approches les plus r & eacute;pandues dont d & eacute;coulent les principales incitations pour les syst & egrave;mes & eacute;lectoraux dans les soci & eacute;t & eacute;s dyadiques et profond & eacute;ment divis & eacute;es. L'article traite des dysfonctionnements & eacute;lectoraux dans les soci & eacute;t & eacute;s dyadiques et soutient un nouveau syst & egrave;me & eacute;lectoral qui int & egrave;gre des & eacute;l & eacute;ments de vote centrip & egrave;te trans-ethnique & agrave; appliquer aux accords de partage du pouvoir consociationnels. Afin d'emp & ecirc;cher les groupes ethniques les plus importants d'& eacute;lire des repr & eacute;sentant & centerdot;es de groupes minoritaires dominants au sein des institutions collectives, ce syst & egrave;me & eacute;lectoral offre un m & eacute;canisme de sauvegarde via des poids & eacute;lectoraux align & eacute;s sur le recensement de la population. Le mod & egrave;le s'appuie sur le cadre conceptuel des d & eacute;mocraties fond & eacute;es sur le partage du pouvoir dans les soci & eacute;t & eacute;s profond & eacute;ment divis & eacute;es. Pour tester la validit & eacute; et la n & eacute;cessit & eacute; de ce mod & egrave;le & eacute;lectoral, cet article compare les cas r & eacute;gionaux de Berne, de Chypre et de la F & eacute;d & eacute;ration de Bosnie-et-Herz & eacute;govine. I sistemi elettorali nelle societ & agrave; profondamente divise sono fondamentali per la pace e la stabilit & agrave; tra i gruppi etno-nazionali. Il consociazionalismo e il centripetalismo sono gli approcci pi & ugrave; diffusi dai quali derivano i principali incentivi per i sistemi elettorali nelle societ & agrave; diadiche profondamente divise. L'articolo discute le disfunzionalit & agrave; elettorali nelle societ & agrave; diadiche e difende un nuovo sistema elettorale che incorpora elementi di voto trans-etnico centripeto da applicare agli accordi consociazionali di condivisione del potere. Al fine di evitare che i gruppi etnici pi & ugrave; ampi eleggano esponenti di gruppi minoritari dominanti nelle istituzioni collettive, questo sistema elettorale offre un meccanismo di salvaguardia attraverso pesi elettorali allineati al censimento della popolazione. Il modello si basa sul quadro concettuale delle democrazie a condivisione di potere nelle societ & agrave; profondamente divise. Per verificare la validit & agrave; e la necessit & agrave; di questo modello elettorale, il presente lavoro confronta i casi regionali di Berna, Cipro e della Federazione di Bosnia ed Erzegovina.
Personalization-greater candidate-centeredness at the expense of political parties-is a defining feature of 21st-century electoral politics. But to what extent does the electoral system shape this trend? We develop a theoretical argument rooted in the design of open-list proportional representation (OLPR). Because OLPR combines proportional seat allocation with intra-party competition, it creates opportunities for candidates to cultivate a personal vote. We argue that when the institutional potential for individual preference votes to shape electoral outcomes is high, candidates respond by investing more in personalized campaigning, reflected in higher individual campaign spending. We test this argument using novel data from the 2023 Swiss federal elections, the first held under mandatory campaign finance disclosure rules. Our findings show that greater voter ability to allocate individual preference votes is associated with higher in-dividual campaign spending, demonstrating how electoral systems influence candidate behavior and the role of money in politics. Die Personalisierung - eine st & auml;rkere Ausrichtung auf die einzelnen Kandidierenden auf Kosten der politischen Parteien - ist ein pr & auml;gendes Merkmal der Wahlen des 21. Jahrhunderts. Doch in welchem Ma ss e pr & auml;gt das Wahlsystem diesen Trend? Wir entwickeln ein theoretisches Argument, das auf dem Prinzip der offenen Liste bei Verh & auml;ltniswahlen (OLPR) basiert. Da die OLPR eine proportionale Sitzzuteilung mit parteiinternem Wettbewerb verbindet, er & ouml;ffnet sie Kandidat*innen die M & ouml;glichkeit, eine pers & ouml;nliche W & auml;hlerschaft aufzubauen. Wir argumentieren: Wenn das institutionelle Potenzial von Personenstimmen f & uuml;r die Bestimmung von Wahlergebnissen hoch ist, reagieren Kandidat*innen mit h & ouml;heren Investitionen in personalisierte Wahlkampagnen, was sich in h & ouml;heren individuellen Wahlkampfausgaben widerspiegelt. Wir pr & uuml;fen dieses Argument anhand neuer Daten der Schweizer Parlamentswahlen 2023, den ersten, die unter den Regeln der obligatorischen Offenlegung der Kampagnenfinanzierung stattfanden. Unsere Ergebnisse zeigen, dass ein gr & ouml;sser Spielraum der W & auml;hlenden, individuelle Pr & auml;ferenzstimmen zu vergeben, mit h & ouml;heren individuellen Wahlkampfausgaben einhergeht, und verdeutlichen damit wie Wahlsysteme das Kandidat*innenverhalten und die Rolle des Geldes in der Politik beeinflussen. La personnalisation - une plus grande centralit & eacute; des candidat & centerdot;es au d & eacute;triment des partis politiques - est une caract & eacute;ristique d & eacute;terminante de la politique & eacute;lectorale du XXIe si & egrave;cle. Mais dans quelle mesure le syst & egrave;me & eacute;lectoral fa & ccedil;onne-t-il cette tendance? Nous d & eacute;veloppons un argument th & eacute;orique fond & eacute; sur la structure de la repr & eacute;sentation proportionnelle avec liste ouverte (RPLO). Parce que la RPLO combine une allocation proportionnelle des si & egrave;ges et une comp & eacute;tition intra-parti, elle cr & eacute;e des opportunit & eacute;s pour les candidat & centerdot;es de cultiver un vote personnel. Nous soutenons que lorsque le potentiel institutionnel des votes de pr & eacute;f & eacute;rence individuels pour influencer les r & eacute;sultats & eacute;lectoraux est & eacute;lev & eacute;, les candidat & centerdot;es r & eacute;agissent en investissant davantage dans des campagnes personnalis & eacute;es, ce qui se traduit par des d & eacute;penses de campagne individuelles plus & eacute;lev & eacute;es. Nous testons cet argument & agrave; l'aide de donn & eacute;es in & eacute;dites issues des & eacute;lections f & eacute;d & eacute;rales suisses de 2023, les premi & egrave;res & agrave; s'& ecirc;tre tenues sous le r & eacute;gime des r & egrave;gles obligatoires de divulgation du financement des campagnes. Nos r & eacute;sultats montrent qu'une plus grande capacit & eacute; des & eacute;lecteur & centerdot;rice & centerdot;s & agrave; attribuer des votes de pr & eacute;f & eacute;rence individuels est associ & eacute;e & agrave; des d & eacute;penses de campagne individuelles plus & eacute;lev & eacute;es, d & eacute;montrant ainsi comment les syst & egrave;mes & eacute;lectoraux influencent le comportement des candidat & centerdot;es et le r & ocirc;le de l'argent en politique. La personalizzazione - una maggiore centralit & agrave; delle candidature a scapito dei partiti politici - & egrave; un tratto distintivo della politica elettorale del XXI secolo. Ma in che misura il sistema elettorale modella questa tendenza? Sviluppiamo una tesi teorica fondata sul meccanismo della rappresentazione proporzionale a lista aperta (OLPR). Poich & eacute; l'OLPR combina l'assegnazione proporzionale dei seggi con la competizione intra-partitica, crea opportunit & agrave; per chi si candida di coltivare un voto personale. Sosteniamo che quando il potenziale istituzionale dei voti di preferenza individuali nella determinazione dei risultati elettorali & egrave; elevato, le persone candidate rispondono investendo maggiormente in campagne personalizzate, il che si riflette in una maggiore spesa elettorale individuale. Mettiamo alla prova questa tesi utilizzando dati inediti relativi alle elezioni federali svizzere del 2023, le prime tenutesi secondo le regole di divulgazione obbligatoria dei finanziamenti della campagna elettorale. I nostri risultati dimostrano che una maggiore capacit & agrave; del corpo elettorale di assegnare voti di preferenza individuali & egrave; associata a una spesa elettorale individuale pi & ugrave; elevata, dimostrando come i sistemi elettorali influenzino il comportamento dei candidati e delle candidate e il ruolo del denaro in politica.
In many advanced democracies, newer generations and younger citizens are less likely to vote than earlier generations and older individuals. However, despite this being an established empirical matter, less is known about the reasons why they decide to stay away from the polls. This' Age-Period-Cohort' (APC) study analyzes generational and age differences in reasons for abstaining using Swiss SELECTS post-election survey data from 1995 to 2023. We specifically examine the self-reported motivations of abstainers and how they diverge across cohorts and age groups. Our analysis demonstrates that newer cohorts of Swiss citizens are more likely to justify their abstention by indicating low levels of political interest and a lack of political knowledge, whereas age differences in reason-giving point to higher levels of political disillusionment among older non-voters. These findings have broad implications for understanding the higher levels of electoral abstention of younger generations and highlight ways of addressing these issues.
Is poverty a relevant issue for Swiss electoral politics and political behavior? In this paper we answer that question by showing that citizens' agreement with different causal attributions of poverty matters for their voting decisions. Of highest relevance is the difference between an "individual blame" explanation (i.e., the poor are lazy) and a "social blame" explanation (i.e., poverty arises from social injustice), which has various consequences for voting in favor of left, centrist, liberal, and radical right parties. Using data from the 2023 Selects panel survey, we show that poverty attributions are robustly associated with voting, and that these associations tend to be larger among more knowledgeable and involved voters. Finally, we show important nuances within the right camp, as social blame is negatively associated with voting for the Liberal Party, but not with voting for radical right parties. Ist Armut ein relevantes Thema f & uuml;r Wahlpolitik und politisches Verhalten in der Schweiz? In diesem Beitrag beantworten wir diese Frage, indem wir aufzeigen, dass die Zustimmung zu verschiedenen Attributionen von Armut (causal attributions of poverty) die Wahlentscheidungen der B & uuml;rger beeinflusst. Von gr & ouml;sster Relevanz ist der Unterschied zwischen einer Erkl & auml;rung, die die Schuld beim Einzelnen sucht (d. h. die Armen sind faul), und einer Erkl & auml;rung, die der Gesellschaft die Schuld gibt (d. h. Armut entsteht durch soziale Ungerechtigkeit), was unterschiedliche Konsequenzen f & uuml;r die Stimmabgabe zugunsten von linken, zentristischen, liberalen und rechtsextremen Parteien hat. Anhand von Daten aus der Selects-Panelbefragung von 2023 zeigen wir, dass die Zuschreibung von Armutssursachen einen robusten Zusammenhang mit dem Wahlverhalten aufweist und dass dieser Zusammenhang bei besser informierten und interessierten W & auml;hlern tendenziell st & auml;rker ist. Schliesslich zeigen wir wichtige Nuancen innerhalb des rechten Lagers auf, da die soziale Schuldzuweisung negativ mit der Stimmabgabe f & uuml;r die Liberale Partei, aber nicht f & uuml;r rechtsextreme Parteien, verbunden ist. La pauvret & eacute; est-elle un enjeu pertinent pour la politique & eacute;lectorale et le comportement politique en Suisse ? Dans cet article, nous montrons que l'adh & eacute;sion des citoyens & agrave; diff & eacute;rentes attributions causales de la pauvret & eacute; contribue & agrave; fa & ccedil;onner leurs d & eacute;cisions de vote. Une opposition claire se dessine entre une explication fond & eacute;e sur la & laquo; faute individuelle & raquo; (paresse) et une explication fond & eacute;e sur la & laquo; responsabilit & eacute; sociale & raquo; (injustice sociale) et se refl & egrave;te dans le vote en faveur des partis de gauche, du centre, de droite lib & eacute;rale et de droite radicale. & Agrave; l'aide de l'enqu & ecirc;te panel Selects de 2023, nous montrons que les attributions de la pauvret & eacute; sont solidement associ & eacute;es au vote, particuli & egrave;rement chez les & eacute;lecteurs mieux inform & eacute;s et plus int & eacute;ress & eacute;s par les questions sociales. Enfin, des nuances importantes apparaissent au sein du camp de droite, car la responsabilit & eacute; sociale est n & eacute;gativement associ & eacute;e au vote pour le Parti lib & eacute;ral, mais pas pour les partis de droite radicale. La povert & agrave; & egrave; una questione rilevante per la politica elettorale e il comportamento politico in Svizzera? In questo articolo rispondiamo a tale domanda dimostrando che il consenso dei cittadini sulle diverse attribuzioni causali della povert & agrave; influisce sulle loro decisioni di voto. Di massima rilevanza & egrave; la differenza tra una spiegazione basata sulla "colpa individuale" (ovvero, i poveri sono pigri) e una spiegazione basata sulla "colpa sociale" (ovvero, la povert & agrave; deriva dall'ingiustizia sociale), che ha diverse conseguenze sul voto a favore di partiti di sinistra, di centro, liberali e di estrema destra. Utilizzando i dati dell'indagine panel Selects del 2023, dimostriamo che le attribuzioni della povert & agrave; sono fortemente associate al voto e che queste associazioni tendono ad essere pi & ugrave; marcate tra gli elettori pi & ugrave; informati e coinvolti. Infine, evidenziamo importanti sfumature all'interno dello schieramento di destra, poich & eacute; la colpa sociale & egrave; associata negativamente al voto per il Partito Liberale, ma non al voto per i partiti di estrema destra.
Following the 2023 Israeli genocidal war on Gaza, Israel has pursued an expansive, revisionist strategy to establish undisputed regional hegemony. This strategy involved the occupation of additional territories in Lebanon and Syria in 2024, followed by a sustained conflict with these nations. It also included a 12-day war with Iran in 2025 that weakened Tehran's military capabilities, the annexation of the West Bank in 2026, and the initiation of a second war against Iran aimed at shifting the regional balance of power in Israel's favor amid the rising alignment of Saudi Arabia, T & uuml;rkiye, Egypt, and Pakistan. While prevailing Israeli security discourse identifies T & uuml;rkiye as the next primary threat, this article argues that Israel's post-Iran strategic focus will actually center on Saudi Arabia. Rather than military confrontation, Israel will likely pressure Riyadh to join the Abraham Accords via several means. The article explains the Israeli rationale and concludes that securing Saudi normalization remains Israel's ultimate strategic prize, a necessary step to marginalize Palestinian national aspirations, isolate T & uuml;rkiye, and legitimize its hegemonic project.
This study examines the shifting power dynamics in the Sahel region within the context of T & uuml;rkiye-France relations. The erosion of France's traditional dominance in the region and T & uuml;rkiye's increasing influence have given rise to a new competitive dynamic between the two nations. The analysis focuses on France's decline following Operation Barkhane and T & uuml;rkiye's initiatives in the diplomatic, economic, and military spheres, assessing their implications for changing security balances and diplomatic rivalry. Drawing on international relations theories, the article establishes a conceptual framework centered on the notions of regional power vacuums and the role of rising middle powers. The future perspectives section explores the evolution of power dynamics in the Sahel and potential scenarios for cooperation or competition, while the conclusion evaluates the findings in light of the broader literature on international relations, security studies, and African studies.
The collapse of Bashar al-Assad's regime in December 2024 forced a fundamental recalibration of Syria's external relationships, particularly with the U.S. and Russia. This article argues that post-Assad Syria is not experiencing straightforward normalization but a structured renegotiation of influence. Washington has shifted from comprehensive sanctions and military containment toward conditional engagement, redesigningsanctions as bargaining infrastructure to incentivize counter-ISIS cooperation and enable gradual troop drawdowns, while exposing new vulnerabilities, especially in detainee management and northeast governance. Moscow, in contrast, has moved from regime patronage to managed relevance, seeking to preserve strategic basing rights and limited economic leverage under tighter regional and geopolitical constraints. The resulting order is neither alliances nor ruptures, but a probationary equilibrium shaped by security imperatives, reconstruction politics, and competing forms of external leverage. Syria's trajectory now depends less on summit diplomacy than on whether transitional institutions can stabilize authority without reproducing coercive fragmentation.
Research shows that many voters ascribe stereotypical traits and issue competences to male and female politicians - such as viewing women as more compassionate and honest, and men as more competent and decisive - and use these perceptions when evaluating candidates. However, little is known about whether politicians themselves also hold such gender stereotypes. This paper uses data from both a candidate and a citizen survey conducted as part of the Swiss Election Study (SELECTS) in 2019 and 2023 to compare the prevalence of gender stereotypes among political elites and citizens, as well as their individual-level correlates. Our findings show that such stereotypes are not only present among politicians but are even more widespread than among ordinary citizens. The correlates of gender stereotypes are not uniform: they differ between political elites and citizens, vary across trait- and issue-based stereotypes, and affect male- and female-typed stereotypes in distinct ways. Die Forschung zeigt, dass viele W & auml;hlende m & auml;nnlichen und weiblichen Politikern stereotype Eigenschaften und Themenkompetenzen zuschreiben - etwa indem sie Frauen als mitf & uuml;hlender und ehrlicher und M & auml;nner als kompetenter und entscheidungsfreudiger wahrnehmen - und diese Wahrnehmungen bei der Bewertung von Kandidat:innen heranziehen. Es ist jedoch wenig dar & uuml;ber bekannt, ob Politiker:innen selbst ebenfalls solche Geschlechterstereotype hegen. Dieser Beitrag nutzt Daten einer Kandidierenden- und einer B & uuml;rger:innenbefragung, die im Rahmen der Schweizer Wahlstudie (SELECTS) 2019 und 2023 durchgef & uuml;hrt wurden, um die Verbreitung von Geschlechterstereotypen unter politischen Eliten und B & uuml;rger:innen sowie deren Einflussfaktoren auf Individualebene zu vergleichen. Unsere Ergebnisse zeigen, dass solche Stereotype nicht nur unter Politiker:innen vorhanden, sondern dort sogar noch weiterverbreitet sind als in der allgemeinen Bev & ouml;lkerung. Die Einflussfaktoren von Geschlechterstereotypen sind dabei nicht einheitlich: Sie unterscheiden sich zwischen politischen Eliten und B & uuml;rger:innen, variieren zwischen eigenschafts- und themenbezogenen Stereotypen und wirken sich auf m & auml;nnlich und weiblich gepr & auml;gte Stereotype auf unterschiedliche Weise aus. Les recherches montrent que de nombreux & centerdot;ses & eacute;lecteur & centerdot;trice & centerdot;s attribuent des traits st & eacute;r & eacute;otyp & eacute;s et des comp & eacute;tences th & eacute;matiques aux politiciens de sexe masculin et f & eacute;minin - par exemple en percevant les femmes comme plus compatissantes et honn & ecirc;tes, et les hommes comme plus comp & eacute;tents et d & eacute;cid & eacute;s - et utilisent ces perceptions pour & eacute;valuer les candidat & centerdot;e & centerdot;s. Cependant, on sait peu de choses sur la question de savoir si les politicien & centerdot;ne & centerdot;s eux & centerdot;elles-m & ecirc;mes partagent de tels st & eacute;r & eacute;otypes de genre. Cet article utilise les donn & eacute;es d'une enqu & ecirc;te aupr & egrave;s des candidat & centerdot;e & centerdot;s et des citoyen & centerdot;ne & centerdot;s men & eacute;e dans le cadre de l'& Eacute;tude & eacute;lectorale suisse (SELECTS) en 2019 et 2023 pour comparer la pr & eacute;valence des st & eacute;r & eacute;otypes de genre chez les & eacute;lites politiques et les citoyen & centerdot;ne & centerdot;s, ainsi que leurs corr & eacute;lats au niveau individuel. Nos r & eacute;sultats montrent que ces st & eacute;r & eacute;otypes sont non seulement pr & eacute;sents chez les responsables politiques, mais qu'ils sont m & ecirc;me plus r & eacute;pandus que chez les citoyen & centerdot;ne & centerdot;s. Les corr & eacute;lats des st & eacute;r & eacute;otypes de genre ne sont pas uniformes: ils diff & egrave;rent entre les & eacute;lites politiques et les citoyen & centerdot;ne & centerdot;s, varient selon qu'il s'agit de st & eacute;r & eacute;otypes bas & eacute;s sur les traits de caract & egrave;re ou sur les comp & eacute;tences th & eacute;matiques, et affectent de mani & egrave;re distincte les st & eacute;r & eacute;otypes typ & eacute;s masculins et f & eacute;minins. Le ricerche dimostrano che molti elettori ed elettrici attribuiscono tratti stereotipati e competenze tematiche a uomini e donne politiche - per esempio, considerare le donne pi & ugrave; compassionevoli e oneste e gli uomini pi & ugrave; competenti e decisi - e utilizzano queste percezioni per valutare candidati e candidate. Tuttavia, si sa poco se gli stessi uomini e donne politiche nutrano tali stereotipi di genere. Questo articolo utilizza i dati di un sondaggio condotto tra candidati/e e cittadini/e nell'ambito dello Studio Elettorale Svizzero (SELECTS) nel 2019 e nel 2023 per confrontare la prevalenza degli stereotipi di genere tra le & eacute;lite politiche e i cittadini, nonch & eacute; i loro correlati a livello individuale. I nostri risultati mostrano che tali stereotipi non sono solo presenti tra i politici, ma sono addirittura pi & ugrave; diffusi che tra i comuni cittadini. I correlati degli stereotipi di genere non sono uniformi: differiscono tra & eacute;lite politiche e cittadini, variano tra stereotipi basati sui tratti e sulle competenze tematiche, e influenzano in modi distinti gli stereotipi tipizzati maschili e femminili.
This research explores the trends in Moscow's diplomacy in relation to its overall strategy. In this context, it aims to investigate the evolution and construction of Vladimir Putin's grand strategy between 2000 and 2023. To accomplish this, the article utilizes computer-assisted data analysis, specifically computer-aided thematic analysis (Atlas.ti). Hereby, 577 official speech transcripts were analyzed. To this end, the speeches under the categories of "Addresses to the Federal Assembly" and "Statements on Major Issues" have been collected to reveal the strategic logic behind Russian actions and behavior. The findings reveal that Putin's grand strategy revolves around making Russia a center of influence and achieving a global power status, which this study conceptualizes as the "Glory to the Motherland." In this context, reclaiming deserved status, counterbalancing Western hegemony, inventing multipolarity, and the security and preservation of the sphere of influence of the fatherland surfaced as the focuses for reversing Russia's weakness experienced during the 1990s.
In the 21st century, balancing economic growth and environmental sustainability has become a major challenge for nations, as trans-boundary issues require stronger multilateral governance. The OTS has significant potential to address shared environmental problems through collective regional actions. In line with the environmental sustainability and green transition goals of the OTS 2040 Vision Document, this study suggests creating a dedicated environmental agency. Using a qualitative research approach the study reviews member countries' environmental conditions, assesses the sustainability goals of the 2040 Vision, and examines the design and roles of the proposed agency. Modeled after the European Environment Agency but adapted to OTS' specific needs, the agency would serve as a non-regulatory platform for sharing knowledge, coordinating policies, and building capacity. The results indicate that such an agency could enhance the Turkic world's participation in global environmental governance, improve environmental diplomacy, and foster cooperation on the green economy among member states.
This article explores the growing significance of connectivity in contemporary geopolitics, using the Development Road Project led by T & uuml;rkiye and Iraq as a central case study. It argues that large-scale infrastructure initiatives are no longer confined to economic development agendas but have become key instruments of geopolitical competition and strategic influence. In this context, connectivity is conceptualized as a multidimensional framework through which states shape power by controlling trade routes, energy corridors, and logistical networks. The via Iraq and T & uuml;rkiye, exemplifies this emerging paradigm. Beyond establishing a new transportation corridor, the project has the potential to restructure regional tradeflows, enhance the Middle East's integration into global supply chains, and create alternative routes to existing maritime pathways. It may also contribute to Iraq's economic diversification and reinforce T & uuml;rkiye's ambition to become a major logistics hub. However, the initiative unfolds within a complex environment marked by corridor competition and persistent security risks. Therefore, its success will depend not only on technical implementation but also on sustained political coordination and regional stability.
The Middle East is engulfed in chaos regarding peace and security, exacerbated by issues such as the Israeli-Palestinian conflicts, ethnic and religious divisions, civil wars fueled by power struggles, military interventions by global actors, and terrorism. The traditional policies adopted by international and regional actors have proven ineffective in resolving these problems, highlighting the need for a new security paradigm in the region. Addressing the security challenges in the Middle East is crucial to mitigating the deepening and expanding security crises and ensuring lasting stability. This study sought to answer a key question: "Is it possible for the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) to play an active role in establishing and maintaining peace and security in the Middle East?" The research aimed to identify the obstacles that hinder the OIC from becoming an effective actor and to propose potential solutions. Furthermore, the study analyzed whether an international organization-centered approach, based on collective security, could serve as an alternative to the traditional policies centered on individuals, groups, and states that dominate the search for security in the Middle East. This analysis was conducted through the lens of the OIC. The findings and recommendations of this study aim to contribute to the Middle East studies literature, particularly from a security perspective.
After over a decade of conflict and displacement in Syria, renewed discussions on post-war return have highlighted the conditions under which displaced populations envision and negotiate their return. In post-conflict environments, return involves more than just physical relocation; it encompasses complex issues of belonging, identity, and future planning. This research explores how education influences Syrian high school students and their parents residing in T & uuml;rkiye, shaping their ideas of return, using the concept of homecoming. Using qualitative interviews with Syrian high school students and parents, the study finds that while security, economic opportunities, and social belonging influence decisions to return, access to education and future prospects emerge as the most decisive factors. The results show that students tend to conceptualize return not as an immediate decision, but as a conditional and ongoing process linked to their educational experiences. In this view, homecoming is a future-focused process driven by expectations of stability, social acknowledgement, and mobility, rather than nostalgia for pre-war life. The study enhances understanding of forced migration and return by emphasizing education as a vital element in analyzing refugee youth's views on returning home after conflict.
This paper deals with one of the most important issues that has plagued Sudan since its independence in 1956, namely the absence of national constants in political practices that paralyzed state institutions, which became a threat to Sudan's national security and a strong barrier to the renaissance of the Sudanese state politically, socially and institutionally. The study seeks to define the concept of national constants and the principles of state management in the first place, and then looks at the Sudanese experience, attempting to frame the effects of political practices on the structure of the Sudanese state in the absence of national constants that govern and regulate these political practices. It also evaluates the impact of these political practices on Sudanese national security, attempting to draw a future vision and a simplified roadmap to address these negative effects in the direction of crystallizing a new political culture that takes into account Sudanese national interests and adheres to national constants.
It has been more than 1,400 years since Muslim communities were classified as "other." Understanding the ideological background is crucial to comprehending the subtleties of Islamophobic thought, as seen by how Muslims have been portrayed as threats throughout history. Human rights have suffered because of the unjustified fear of Islam and its adherents. Numerous citizens faced prejudice, which hindered their freedom and resulted in some losing their lives. The purpose of this research is to elucidate the causes of this phenomenon's continued existence. The following study employed a quantitative method to analyze Carr's Islamophobic and neoliberalism theory, U.S. funding sources for Islamophobic content (2009-2011), six prominent international press media analyses (2014-2017), and the latest Organization of Islamic Cooperation's (OIC) report analysis on Islamophobia. The study's findings suggest that Islamophobia-the term for the irrational fear of Islam and its adherents-persists because neoliberalism as an ideology supports it. Neoliberalism sees Islamic teachings as a danger to its system and uses a tactic known as cultural cleansing as a result. This tactic is applied in two stages: (i) cultural unification and (ii) intellect depletion. The civilizing mission-which divides citizens into good and evil categories-is accomplished based on these two processes. The ideology of neoliberalism in this situation will view a good Muslim as terrible and a bad Muslim as good.
Approximately one year after the fall of the Assad regime, Syria has made concrete progress in securing international recognition and stabilizing the country. This commentary examines the two key dynamics shaping Syria's transition: diplomatic recognition and territorial unification. It concludes that the main domestic and foreign policy challenges facing the country in the next phase are as follows. First, it analyzes Syria's prioritization of regional relations, how regional alignment created momentum for broader international engagement, and why foreign relations were key to addressing domestic security challenges. Second, it explores Syria's pathway toward territorial unification, including major setbacks in the coastal areas and in Sweida, as well as the collapse of the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF), which marked a strategic turning point in the transition and potentially enabled Damascus to redirect its national policy priorities. Finally, the article highlights the next domestic and foreign policy challenges facing Syria's transition, with particular focus on implementing the integration agreement with the SDF/YPG and addressing social expectations regarding key political and economic imperatives.
A debate emerged after the 12 Day War between Iran and Israel and the U.S. Operation Midnight Hammer targeting Iran's nuclear facilities. The key issue is whether Washington significantly damaged Iran's nuclear capacity and how long recovery to pre-war levels would take. Another question is whether these strikes will deter nuclear proliferation or instead encourage covert programs like North Korea's. These uncertainties persist as the Trump Administration signals possible further action. Answering them is crucial for the credibility of the NPT regime and U.S. security guarantees in Asia, the Middle East, and Europe. This paper evaluates whether the region is becoming proliferation-oriented and why Iran halted the AMAD Plan. According to the authors of this paper, Iran's forward defense strategy has been restrained considerably and its threshold deterrence strategy was shown to be ineffective against Israel and the U.S.-via the 12 Day War. According to this paper the U.S. decision to join 12 Day War by itself reflects the U.S. preference not to permit even threshold/enrichment proliferation in the Middle East.
This article discusses the genocide in Gaza since 2023, now widely recognized by scholars, as a distinctive case in which Israel has used military force and other means to cripple Palestinian society in the territory, and has largely succeeded in this goal. The article discusses how Israel has displaced the population from its homes but has been blocked from converting internal displacement into external expulsion. It discusses how Israel's intensified bombing and starvation policies after the return of Donald Trump to the U.S. presidency in 2025 led to a growing alienation of international public opinion and Trump's pivot to his "peace plan." Analyzing how Trump's centrality exposes the international Western character of the genocide, the article discusses the emerging new, supposedly internationalized U.S.-Israeli occupation of Gaza and how the Gaza genocide has catalyzed a new age of genocide, with a genocidal mentality also evident in the new wars launched by the U.S. and Israel, and far-right mass deportation schemes.
This Research Note analyses how the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) has promoted mini-publics, before focusing on a specific collaboration between the OECD and the Directorate-General for Regional and Urban Policy of the European Commission in the case of the mini-public Besaya Delibera. Drawing on the literature on the OECD and on the tensions between New Public Management and deliberative-participatory formats, it examines the possibility of a neomanagerial conception underpinning the promotion of mini-publics. In the case of Besaya, I show that citizens are treated more as clients than as agents of public policies, with their participation allowing them to influence only marginally a market-oriented environmental framing.
