This article explores the history of prisons in Brazil during the Vargas age. Taking up an event that has been practically forgotten by historiography, we investigate the daily prison life of the participants in the October 1931 uprising in the Recife House of Detention. We seek to demarcate the social diversity of these political prisoners, as well as their contestatory actions in everyday prison life. We will argue that the presence of these individuals fostered, albeit indirectly, political mobilization of ordinary prisoners. To this end, we conducted a critical examination of a heterogeneous corpus of primary sources-including official correspondence, letters, petitions, prison records, and memoirs-whose diversity allowed us to explore aspects of Pernambuco's prison history that remain underexamined in the historiography.
This article aims to discuss how the itinerary of one of the most important characters in Mexican history, the liberal leader ofZapotec origin Benito Ju & aacute;rez (1806-1872), was mobilized, in the first decade of the 20th century, with a view to explaining political and conceptions about the past and national identity in Mexico. Specifically, it focuses on Ju & aacute;rez, su obra y su tiempo (1905), a biography written by one of the main intellectuals of the Porfiriato (1876-1911), the scientist Justo Sierra (1848-1912). In this work, the affirmation of a process of "individualization" that would have been experienced by Ju & aacute;rez during the years of his formation was carried out. This path, significant of a departure from his indigenous origins, constituted, in Justo Sierra's narrative, as a kind of synthesis of the Mexican historical trajectory in the 19th century and as a sign of his perspectives about the future of his country.
During the Late Antiquity, the Christian monastic movement and the cult of saints flourished across the Mediterranean. Both were the object of attention of the clerical authorities, interested in keeping the two phenomena aligned with their own political and institutional interests. In this context, hagiographic literature emerged, often featured a holy monk who was antagonized by a black man. This paper examines two such passages of the period in which the holy monk faces a black boy: chapter VI of the Life of St. Anthony by Athanasius of Alexandria; and chapter IV of Gregory the Great's Life of St. Benedict. The purpose of this article is to evaluate how the interactions between black boys and holy monks in the two documents fit into the current Christian discourse on blacks.
The aim of this paper is to visualize the importance of studying the intellectual contributions made by social scientists and historians in the process of democratic reconstruction in Argentina. To this end, we analyze three instances of intellectual intervention carried out between the end of the 1970s and the beginning of the 1980s, in the context of the recovery of democratic institutions in Argentina. The first milestone of this exploration deals with Elizabeth Jelin's contributions on social mobilization. Secondly, we analyze the innovations deployed by Susana Bianchi and Norma Sanch & iacute;s to study the history of women's political participation in the Peronist Women's Party, created in 1949. The third instance of this inquiry deals with the collaborations of different intellectuals in the journal Unidas (1987-1988) that allow us to notice the concerns to reconstruct various aspects of the history of women in the political and social life of the country. The analysis of these initiatives as a whole will allow us to revisit some of the predominant postulates on the links between politics and intellectuals during the process of democratic recovery in the country.
This article examines the administration of formal justice in the hinterlands of colonial Brazil through the lens of settler colonialism theory. It argues that colonial society in frontier regions was shaped by a complex interplay of power between the Crown, its local agents, settlers, and Indigenous populations. These contested territories, often seized from Indigenous groups, reveal that colonization was not solely driven by the centralized authority of the Crown. Instead, it was the combined result of actions, negotiations and conflict between these different groups. By focusing on the administration of justice, the article highlights how legal structures were employed not only as a tool of Crown control but also as a mechanism that often collided with settlers' agency on the ground. This perspective broadens the understanding of colonial governance, showing that the expansion of colonial authority in frontier areas was a multi-faceted process involving collaboration and conflict among various actors, rather than a top-down imposition of power.
