This article proposes a comparative reflection on the mechanisms and discourses put into practice at two key moments in the process of articulating the Atlantic Coast within the Nicaraguan national state: in 1894, under the government of Jos & eacute; Santos Zelaya, and between 1979 and 1987, in the context of the Sandinista Revolution. The analysis, based primarily on a broad review of the existing bibliography and hemerography on the subject, seeks to highlight ideological and political differences, as well as shared elements, in the approach to the "Atlantic question" during two central and, to some extent, contrasting moments of Nicaragua's nation-building project. Throughout the analysis, it was possible to establish that, in both cases, the principle of national territorial sovereignty pursued by the government based in Managua prevailed as an imperative over the pursuit of autonomy and self-determination by the coastal population, from which multiple tensions and obstacles in the process of integration emerged.
Drawing on historical studies of the Argentine dictatorship and Latin American urban history, this article analyzes the interventions of the municipal government during the last civil-military dictatorship (1976-1983) regarding the urban fabric of the city of Rosario, Argentina. First, it explores how municipal action in urban space was (re)ordered and what the priorities were. Second, in the context of the 1978 World Cup, it traces the creation of the Planning Department and its role in the implementation of road infrastructure works on the banks of the Paran & aacute; River, on the eastern border. Third, in view of the planned Parque Espa & ntilde;a in the central part of the riverbank, it discusses the changes in architectural concepts for the hierarchy of the waterfront and green spaces. Finally, the Action Plan (PLANA 1980) is highlighted, emphasizing the municipality's assessment of the aforementioned interventions for the modernization of the city. The survey of this document, together with PLANA 1978, some municipal decrees, and the local press, allows us to consider that the urban policies of the authoritarian government projected a coastal road corridor. This would transform the riverbank into a recreational and productive waterfront, giving it a new centrality.
This article posits that Havana's urban spaces, in this case, the Playa de Marianao development, functioned as mechanisms for externalizing social differences in early 20thcentury Cuba. This work aims to analyze the discursive representation generated about this suburb in the newspapers Diario de la Marina, El Mundo, and the magazine Social as a way of legitimizing these segregationist practices and the models of social exclusion that define the Havana bourgeois elite. The methodology involved focusing on the complex text-co(n)text, prioritizing the dialectical relationship between the text, its production context, and the textual environment, offering a socio-historical perspective that explains how urban phenomena are subject to different conditioning factors, where economic, social, political, and cultural agents, private real estate interests, and social groups acquire singular importance. The Havana elite enjoyed a lifestyle that privileged privacy and internal homogeneity, which was reinforced by their monetary capacity, allowing them to have systems of differentiation, security, and separation. These systems operated beyond their material expressions to become accentuated in their discursive expressions.
This article analyzes three satirical wills published in 1834 that criticize supporters of Sim & oacute;n Bolivar in the Caribbean region of New Granada. Using these broadsides, we examine public opinion in Cartagena during the turbulent years after the dictatorships of Sim & oacute;n Bolivar and Rafael Urdaneta. We argue that these satirical wills are an expression of the defamatory language common in the province's print culture during the early 1830s. To do this, the authors of these printed works leveraged newly granted republican rights, such as freedom of the press, to challenge the old privileges of the Ancien R & eacute;gime. This created a highly distinctive form of political culture and public opinion. Methodologically, we performed a detailed comparison of these sources with the typical colonial will model, as well as a confrontation between the events and figures mentioned and contemporary writings to understand the satire's nature. We conclude that freedom of the press enabled the production of subversive and defamatory materials, especially by using the colonial will as a tool to criticize the Bolivarians and the Ancien R & eacute;gime.
The emergence of the daguerreotype and its acquisition by the French State in 1839 allowed this recording technique to be utilized by various fields of knowledge, such as natural sciences, medical sciences, and the emerging human sciences. Additionally, photography sparked widespread interest in European society, attracted both by new technical inventions and by the exoticism that the East evoked. This article examines the first photographic records of the archaeological monuments of the ancient civilizations of the Near East, particularly Egypt and Assyria. Initially, these images were used as material for the publication of eye-catching travel albums, but over time, photography became a fundamental tool for archaeological excavations. The article is divided into three parts: the first addresses the emergence of the daguerreotype and its diffusion; the second explores the resurgence of interest in Antiquity following the Napoleonic campaigns and the first photographs of the great ancient monuments; and finally, the third examines how photography became an essential tool for archaeology.
