The Day That Lasted 21 Years is a feature-length documentary. It was released in 2013, at a very specific political juncture. In this text, we attempt to reflect on that period, which seems to mark a shift in the collective memory regarding the Military Dictatorship: those who had triumphed through the use of arms once again began to contest the historical interpretations of the Dictatorship era. The film’s directors, Camilo Tavares and his father Flávio Tavares, provide our primary sources through their interventions and interviews, drawing on memories and representations that allow us to reflect on the political context of the period in which the film was released from the perspectives of Political History and Contemporary History. Our working hypothesis is that the absence of justice regarding human rights violations during the 1964–1985 dictatorship period has placed the Brazilian left before a dilemma, in which there is a need for continuous work of remembrance that is unable to reach the level of a just memory. The lack of punishment for human rights violators is also indicative of the absence of political power to effectively reverse the social damage caused by the conservative modernization implemented by the military governments.
This study aims to analyze whether the proposal to reserve seats, as provided for in Complementary Bill No. 112/2021 (New Electoral Code), constitutes an effective regulatory alternative to the current candidate quota policy, with the potential to address structural gender barriers and promote gender parity in Brazilian municipal councils. The research approach adopted is deductive, employing a hermeneutic procedure and utilizing bibliographic and documentary research techniques. Initially, local government is examined as a strategic space for strengthening democracy, based on the principle of horizontal subsidiarity, highlighting its role in expanding women’s participation in politics. Next, the study examines the gender-based candidate quota policy currently in force in Brazil, focusing on its application at the municipal level and the structural limitations that compromise its effectiveness. Finally, it analyzes the legal and political content of PLP 112/2021, as well as its alignment with international models of reserved seat quotas. In concluding remarks, it is noted that the reservation of seats represents a regulatory proposal with greater capacity to achieve substantive equality and strengthen local democracy by ensuring the institutional presence of women in decision-making spaces and fostering more inclusive and representative public policies, although the need to encourage other complementary measures—such as the equitable distribution of resources from the Special Campaign Financing Fund (FEFC) and the proportional allocation of free electoral advertising time—is not overlooked.
Based on research into the Diário Carioca’s editions from 1945 to 1950, this study examines the newspaper’s criticism, which was personally directed at Amaral Peixoto, against the backdrop of the period during which he led the Rio de Janeiro state government from 1937 to 1945, during the Estado Novo era. In the state of Rio de Janeiro, José Eduardo de Macedo Soares, a key figure at that newspaper, emerged as the principal critic of Amaralism-Queremism in the post-1945 era. From a conceptual standpoint, we work with the notions of ideological parties in addition to the theoretical perspectives of political history and political culture. The article contributes to the understanding of the complex power struggle in the post-1945 Rio de Janeiro context.
This article analyzes the reasons for the dismissal of Francisco Ferreira Correia (1834-1876), a graduate from Paraná, from the position of president of the Province of Espírito Santo in 1872. In a broad sense, the purpose of this work is to advance the understanding of the nature of the impasses in the relations between members of the regional elites and the newcomers appointed by the Imperial Government of Brazil to hold the position of provincial president. Two arguments are supported in this work. First, it is demonstrated that a factor that led to Correia's removal from the aforementioned position was the opposition from local leaders of the Conservative Party, who remained aloof from the policies of appointments to temporary positions in the administration of Espírito Santo during the period in which Correia governed the province. Second, it is highlighted that, to a large extent, Correia's main allies in Espírito Santo were affiliated with the Liberal Party. A portion of these party members obtained positions in public administration through appointments made by that graduate. The sources used in preparing this study consist of local newspapers, which contain abundant information about the factors and consequences of the political conflicts that arose in Espírito Santo in the early 1870s.
The objective of this study is to use historical accounts to describe the functioning of the Senate of the Town Council of Vila do Príncipe (now the city of Serro, Minas Gerais) during the period when social cohesion was being consolidated and the social value of its activities was being recognized, between 1721 and 1751. Based on a methodology of exploratory bibliographic research involving consultation of documents from Brazilian and Portuguese national archives and books on the subject, we employ the concept of social cohesion to account for the multiplicity of actors and their social interactions surrounding the Philippine Ordinances, which replaced the legacy of the initial social organization established under the 1702 Regimento dos Superintendentes, Guarda-mores, and Deputy Officers, of 1702. The conclusions permeate the study and point toward an understanding of the Senate of the Chamber in its colonizing, organizational, and conservative role regarding the mountain people and the northern and eastern regions of Minas Gerais in the first half of the 18th century.
This article aims to contribute to the understanding of the history of punitive control in Brazil during the colonial period, based on critical criminological knowledge. To this end, a bibliographic review of books and articles analysing the history of punitive control during this period was undertaken. As the focus of the article is on punitive control, public or private, exercised by the Portuguese colonisers, who simply transplanted their legislation without adaptation to the Brazilian colony, a retrospective of the origins of public punishment in the Iberian Peninsula and its main procedural vehicle, the inquiry, was carried out. The article then addresses the forms of punitive control practised in productive units, sugar mills and coffee farms, and in the urban centres of the Brazilian colony. Finally, the article provides an analysis of the main penalties imposed in Book V of the Philippine Ordinances.
This article consists of a historical investigation based on the 90th anniversary of the founding of the UERJ Law School, with the aim of understanding the original constitutionalist of the Rio de Janeiro Law School. Homero Pires was the professor of constitutional law and general theory of the state during the founding and early years of the Rio de Janeiro Law School in the 1930s. In recalling the life of Professor Homero Pires, the essay also explores his Ruista constitutionalism, insofar as he was a disciple of Rui Barbosa, as evidenced by the record of his activities during that period.
This article aims to analyse the administration of public funds and distributive conflict during the Brazilian civil-military dictatorship (1964-1985), questioning the role of economic groups in the allocation of the federal budget during this period, particularly large infrastructure construction companies. The purpose is to understand the impacts of the 1964 coup on the allocation of state-controlled resources and which social groups and classes benefited from and were harmed by budgetary policy during the period. The text is part of the recent historiographical debate on the role of business leaders in the Brazilian dictatorship and uses the concept of public funds developed by Francisco de Oliveira. The main source for the article is the Statistical Yearbook of Brazil published by the Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics (IBGE), which provides annual data on the actual budget. After verifying high expenditures in the military portfolios and in the ministries responsible for infrastructure works, we conclude that the business-military pact of the dictatorship was not only about a political relationship and division of power, but also involved the distribution of resources and appropriation of public funds directly by these agents.
This paper seeks to analyse how nature was present in the works Vidas Secas (1938), by Graciliano Ramos, an author born in Alagoas, Northeast Brazil, and Ensayo sobre la expresion popular y artística en Santiago (1937), by Bernardo Canal Feijóo, a writer born in Santiago del Estero, Northwest Argentina. The idea is to reflect on the connections between two regions impacted by climate issues. We believe that Graciliano and Canal Feijóo experienced complex contexts in the 1930s related to the search for modernisation in their countries, marked by environmental degradation and social inequality translated into poverty, misery and migration. Despite the aesthetic differences between them, Graciliano, above all a novelist, and Canal Feijóo, more focused on essays, this article aims to establish a dialogue between the narratives of two intellectuals from the ‘north,’ through an intellectual body that is territory and nature understood as a body.
From the 19th century and throughout the 20th century, until the implosion of the Cândido Mendes Penal Institute in 1994, Ilha Grande was chosen by both dictatorships and democratic governments as a place of exile and incarceration. Of the many prison units maintained there, one common legacy remains: irregular prisons and constant violation of rights. This article seeks to reconstruct this trajectory through the testimonies of three prisoners: Graciliano Ramos, Herondino Pereira Pinto, and William da Silva Lima. In their respective memoirs, the authors recount a century-long history of authoritarianism and violence that bears witness to the country's anti-democratic tradition.
This article analyzes the reasons for the dismissal of Francisco Ferreira Correia (1834-1876), a graduate from Paran & aacute;, from the position of president of the Province of Espirito Santo in 1872. In a broad sense, the purpose of this work is to advance the understanding of the nature of the impasses in the relations between members of the regional elites and the newcomers appointed by the Imperial Government of Brazil to hold the position of provincial president. Two arguments are supported in this work. First, it is demonstrated that a factor that led to Correia's removal from the aforementioned position was the opposition from local leaders of the Conservative Party, who remained aloof from the policies of appointments to temporary positions in the administration of Espirito Santo during the period in which Correia governed the province. Second, it is highlighted that, to a large extent, Correia's main allies in Espirito Santo were affiliated with the Liberal Party. A portion of these party members obtained positions in public administration through appointments made by that graduate. The sources used in preparing this study consist of local newspapers, which contain abundant information about the factors and consequences of the political conflicts that arose in Espirito Santo in the early 1870s.
This article examines the transformation of the symbol of Ho Chi Minh from a political leader into a sacred symbol within the worship spaces of private home shrines in Northern Vietnam. Rather than approaching this phenomenon as a form of official veneration or ideological cultism, the study situates it within the analytical framework of vernacular sacralization, understood as a process shaped by non-institutional cultural and religious practices. Employing methods such as synthesis and analysis of secondary sources, participant observation, and case studies conducted at several representative private home shrines in Northern Vietnam, the article investigates the historical, cultural, and social conditions that underpin the sacralization of the Ho Chi Minh symbol in domestic sacred spaces. The analysis focuses on the spatial configuration of worship settings, ritual practices, modes of spiritual cultivation, and the mechanisms through which vernacular sacralization operates. Through this approach, the study elucidates how Ho Chi Minh is reinterpreted as a moral exemplar, a protective figure, and an object of veneration within popular spiritual life. The findings indicate that this process is closely associated with the depoliticization and moralization of Ho Chi Minh’s image, alongside its incorporation into indigenous belief systems. The domestic worship space thus becomes a site of memory negotiation, where revolutionary memory is transformed into sacred social memory through repetitive ritual practices. By engaging in comparative dialogue with cases of political leader sacralization worldwide, the article contributes to broader scholarly debates on the interrelationship between politics, religion, and cultural memory in contemporary society.
Sustainable Development Goal 12 that addresses sustainable consumption and production can be viewed as one of the pillars that can be used in managing environmental degradation and climate crisis. This research aims to examine how well legal actions can enhance sustainable consumption and production, which is presented in Sustainable Development Goal (SDG) 12. Its purpose is to add to the worldwide agenda of preventing climate change, which is seen as the magnifier of threats, by evaluating the use of legal structures to push the world. There is also secondary data, literature and legal framework and current situation through news incorporated in the research to obtain a glimpse of the difficulty and achievements of green legal measures implementation. The findings of the research indicate that the countries or regions, which have legal rules of sustainable consumption and production, clearly and successfully established and implemented, show positive results. Declines in resource consumption, generation of waste and greenhouse gases also experienced. To sum up, this paper highlights the critical importance of the legal interventions to the realization of SDG 12 and, consequently, tackling the overall issue of climate change. The results highlight that the legal structures can be instrumental in influencing consumer behavior, corporate activities, and creating a sustainable culture. The research can add value to the current body of knowledge in the sense that it offers policy and practical recommendations to policy makers, corporate citizens and other stakeholders on how to put effective legal frameworks and strategies into place to ensure sustainable consumption and production. The research offers a platform on how further studies can be conducted to understand how green legal frameworks have changed and how it has influenced in the reduction of climate change.
This paper explores the intersection of Artificial Intelligence (AI) and forensic psychology and how AI technologies are transforming the traditional space of forensic psychological testing, criminal profiling, risk assessment, and trial testimony. Drawing on current usages, integrating empirical research conducted, and critically evaluating the resulting ethical and legal implications, this paper reveals that, despite the fact that AI provides levels of analytical power and pattern-recognition skills never before offered, it also creates considerable problems in the form of bias, indirectness, and the fundamental nature of psychological knowledge. The study argues that the future of forensic psychology will not be one that includes the wholesale replacement of human expertise by AI, but it will be one that integrates it considerately so that professional judgment is not compromised but rather utilized to take advantage of technological evolutions. The research presents an in-depth evaluation of how AI is able to transform the field of forensic psychology, and it provides a future outlook on how to implement AI in criminal justice-related scenarios.
This study aims to analyze whether the proposal to reserve seats, as provided for in Complementary Bill No. 112/2021 (New Electoral Code), constitutes an effective regulatory alternative to the current candidate quota policy, with the potential to address structural gender barriers and promote gender parity in Brazilian municipal councils. The research approach adopted is deductive, employing a hermeneutic procedure and utilizing bibliographic and documentary research techniques. Initially, local government is examined as a strategic space for strengthening democracy, based on the principle of horizontal subsidiarity, highlighting its role in expanding women's participation in politics. Next, the study examines the gender-based candidate quota policy currently in force in Brazil, focusing on its application at the municipal level and the structural limitations that compromise its effectiveness. Finally, it analyzes the legal and political content of PLP 112/2021, as well as its alignment with international models of reserved seat quotas. In concluding remarks, it is noted that the reservation of seats represents a regulatory proposal with greater capacity to achieve substantive equality and strengthen local democracy by ensuring the institutional presence of women in decision-making spaces and fostering more inclusive and representative public policies, although the need to encourage other complementary measures-such as the equitable distribution of resources from the Special Campaign Financing Fund (FEFC) and the proportional allocation of free electoral advertising time-is not overlooked.
The Day That Lasted 21 Years is a feature-length documentary. It was released in 2013, at a very specific political juncture. In this text, we attempt to reflect on that period, which seems to mark a shift in the collective memory regarding the Military Dictatorship: those who had triumphed through the use of arms once again began to contest the historical interpretations of the Dictatorship era. The film's directors, Camilo Tavares and his father Fl & aacute;vio Tavares, provide our primary sources through their interventions and interviews, drawing on memories and representations that allow us to reflect on the political context of the period in which the film was released from the perspectives of Political History and Contemporary History. Our working hypothesis is that the absence of justice regarding human rights violations during the 1964-1985 dictatorship period has placed the Brazilian left before a dilemma, in which there is a need for continuous work of remembrance that is unable to reach the level of a just memory. The lack of punishment for human rights violators is also indicative of the absence of political power to effectively reverse the social damage caused by the conservative modernization implemented by the military governments.
Based on research into the Diario Carioca's editions from 1945 to 1950, this study examines the newspaper's criticism, which was personally directed at Amaral Peixoto, against the backdrop of the period during which he led the Rio de Janeiro state government from 1937 to 1945, during the Estado Novo era. In the state of Rio de Janeiro, Jos & eacute; Eduardo de Macedo Soares, a key figure at that newspaper, emerged as the principal critic of Amaralism-Queremism in the post-1945 era. From a conceptual standpoint, we work with the notions of ideological parties in addition to the theoretical perspectives of political history and political culture. The article contributes to the understanding of the complex power struggle in the post-1945 Rio de Janeiro context.
