This article analyses how the image of the Siberian North was formed by scientists, specialists, and officials as an intellectual construct that emerged from their work. The image of the region is also regarded as a phenomenon of collective consciousness. According to the author, such modelling was limited to the most vivid scientific, popular, and journalistic works, which were meant for a vast audience. The first attempt at such modelling was made in the late 1920s. This was a time of considerable administrative, social, cultural, and territorial changes, which manifested themselves not only in the central regions but also in the more remote parts of the country. The period was characterised by an intensive search for ways to develop the northern territories and uncover the potential of the region: it was to rely on a scientific use of its resources. These ideas were fully realised in the second half of the 20th century with the full-scale exploitation of oil and gas deposits. During the 20th century, the development of the Siberian North was based on the idea of the industrialisation of the region, which was later on implemented in practice. This industrialisation was perceived as a synonym for the development of the North. Anything that furthered the development of large-scale industry, transportation, and communications in the Siberian North was considered a positive development, while anything that impeded them had to be eliminated. In the symbolic and socio-economic space of the USSR, the Siberian North was a conquered land. However, this later led to anthropogenic environmental issues.
This article discusses how John Steinbeck’s The Log from the Sea of Cortez (1951) represents marine biology research during Steinbeck and Ricketts’s expedition into the Gulf of California in 1940. It looks at their research methods, their understanding of ecology through marine biological systems, and their interrelation with the tides that structured their routine and influenced their thought and text. The article intertwines ecocritical and Blue Humanities approaches, while analyzing the connection between ocean, marine life, tides, science, ecology, and text. The article further looks at how Steinbeck’s text is instrumental in the development of ecological consciousness and environmentalism in the USA.
This article aims to explore the relationship between imperialism and political ecology, the identifying characteristics of the historical development of ecological imperialism, and the ecosocial implications of its cosmetic adaptation—namely, green imperialism—in a context of growing threat and biophysical concern. We first provide a succinct updated definition of imperialism based on world-systems analysis, which serves to understand imperialism as the system of economic domination of global capitalism, placing countries at the core of the system at one pole of extraction of labor, energy, and material resources, and those at the periphery at the opposite pole of supply. This hierarchization helps to understand ecological imperialism as a series of externalizations that the core tends to implement globally, transforming the periphery into a drain for these externalizations. As part of it, green imperialism appears as a new mode of accumulation aimed at preserving the imperial mode of living in the core legitimized by supposedly environmentally beneficial policies and discourses. We conclude by addressing the need for a fruitful dialogue between the critiques of ecologically unequal exchange and the radical positions of contemporary degrowth in order to reduce the most harmful productive sectors and favor a socially just transition and development in the Global South.
Marx created a deep materialist ontology from his critique of capitalist humanist thought in the En-lightenment period.This materialist ontology not only emphasizes the concern for the conditions of human existence,but also puts the environment of human existence in the dimension of reality through the mate-rialist method,conceiving human practice as the intermediary to realize the reconciliation of the relation-ship between human beings and nature,and providing a theoretical path for the harmonious development of human beings and nature.This idea is centrally embodied in Marx's concept of metabolism between man and nature mediated by social production,forming a dialectical Marxist ecological theory.In contrast,post-humanism opposes the ecological analysis of historical materialism,proposes a"flat ontology",and falls into a one-dimensional"phantom"world,abandoning the fundamental standard of practical materialism,which is not conducive to the solution of the current ecological crisis.
Degrowth is a planned reduction of energy and resource use designed to bring the economy back into balance with the living world in a way that reduces inequality and improves human well-being. Over the past few years, the idea has attracted significant attention among academics and social movements, but for people new to the idea it raises a number of questions. Here I set out to clarify three specific issues: (1) I specify what degrowth means, and argue that the framing of degrowth is an asset, not a liability; (2) I explain how degrowth differs fundamentally from a recession; and (3) I affirm that degrowth is primarily focused on high-income nations, and explore the implications of degrowth for the global South.
Although Urban Political Ecology has achieved numerous theoretical accomplishments in areas such as critiques of capitalist ecology,socio-ecological transformation,and theoretical interpretations of socio-eco-logical movements over the past two decades,the current stage of Urban Political Ecology theory fails to exhibit truly critical and progressive characteristics.Scholars have overlooked the existence of a capitalist political ecology that allows for the replication and deepening of capitalist social ecological relations.A cri-tique of capitalist political ecology can reveal internal power relations,systemic inequalities and urbanization processes within capitalism and help construct a progressive urban future.Neoliberalism,as a solution to the ecological crises of capitalism,has been proven to be an illusion during the financial crisis and the COVID-19 pandemic.And it has instead concealed the contradictions of capitalist ecological modernization.To truly address the issues,it is necessary to place ecological problems in the realm of radical politicization and re-store the humanitarian spirit devoured by capital accumulation.
‘Just transition’ has grown into an increasingly popular concept in climate policy. During the recent decade, it has been included in both international and national climate law frameworks. The concept, however, has not received much attention from legal scholars. Addressing this gap, this article analyses the meaning and legal implications of just transition, specifically within international climate law. Against this backdrop, it shows that, following the Paris Agreement, just transition has evolved into an increasingly important concept in how climate law principles and obligations are interpreted and developed. It further highlights a substantial evolution of just transition from a labour-centred to a more comprehensive concept that helps underline the importance of implementing climate measures in a way that engages and protects affected and vulnerable people and communities.
The adverse effects of climate change are already apparent with action required to forestall a full blown climate catastrophe. Despite findings that social democratic welfare states – Denmark, Finland, Norway and Sweden – more proactively respond to climate change through environmental policies that complement public policies promoting economic and social security, even these eco-social welfare state environmental policies are unlikely to avert a climate catastrophe. To avert a catastrophe will require gaining public control over energy policy and countering the power and influence of fossil-extracting industries. In theory, this could be accomplished through existing policy instruments. In reality, it may require establishment of a post-capitalist eco-socialist state, the outlines of which remain uncertain even among leading eco-socialist scholars. To effect either of these paths will require public awareness and support for such action. To that end, we identify public discourses of climate change which reflect these two ways forward as well as four other means of responding to climate change: (1) individual responsibility; (2) local action; (3) technocratic solution; (4) public policy advocacy; (5) balancing power in society; and (6) establishing a post-capitalist society. Despite the latter two discourses being the most likely to support effective action, they are the most marginalized.
Ecocritics find the georgic less appealing as it interferes with,alters,or exploits a pristine nature for human ends.They instead prefer romantic poetry which manifests a strong tendency to pastoralize.While William Wordsworth's 1798 poem'Tintern Abbey'epitomises the pastoral that ecocriticism celebrates,in this case at least,there may be such greater continuity between the pastoral and the georgic that the two may be conjoined.Besides,'Tintern Abbey'possesses qualities of the tides that inhabit,respond to,and reflect upon their oscillating movement.Since the poem ebbs and flows,beginning with a return and ending with departure in prospect,its arc is tidal,and this shape is extended beyond the poem's ending.This sense of going back again is repeated in the poem's closing lines,the echo of which in the opening continues the poem's cyclical and tidal pattern.
作为推动生态文明建设的重要支撑力量,绿色金融对于助推经济社会绿色、低碳、循环发展具有重要意义.近年来,江西绿色金融改革创新取得阶段性成效,但发展中仍然存在不少困难和挑战,必须坚持政府引导和市场主导,发挥改革突破性作用,进一步创新发展体制机制,为江西省国家生态文明试验区建设、打造美丽中国"江西样板"提供更有力支撑.
东北地区的战略位置和资源禀赋决定了它在国际上受到关注.近代以来,大批海外探险家、政军界人士和学者都对该区域十分关切,留下了大量地理游记、调研报告、科学研究等资料,这些早期资料成为海外环境史研究的重要基石之一.21世纪初以来,海外学界从森林和林业、生态人类学、土地和农业等角度对东北环境史展开探讨,发表了不少成果.尽管海外学界在研究角度、理论建构等方面颇有建树,但也存在新生领域亟待开拓与探索以及殖民主义话语等问题.对于国内学界而言,对海外东北环境史早期资料和研究成果进行系统性译介,并积极推动交流、开拓新视角、建构新理论,将是建设具有中国特色的东北环境史研究体系的必要之举和题中之义.
环境治理是一项系统工程,如何协调好经济发展与环境保护之间的矛盾,是现代社会环境治理遭遇的普遍性困境.陈阿江深刻反思了中国环境治理既有的"运动式"范式、技术主义范式和地方主义范式,通过批判吸收西方环境治理思想,审视并汲取中国环境治理传统智慧,建构善治的环境治理理念.其中,"人水和谐"理想类型和"生态 自觉"概念是对善治理念的最好诠释.同时,他还挖掘现代社会环境治理的有益经验,形成善治的实践类型,即共治(有治)、兼治和无治,强调环境治理与地方社会的适配性是实现经济发展与环境保护双赢的治理模式.
劳拉·塞尔认为,维吉尔的《农事集》以及农事诗这一文学类型一直不受重视,甚至没有得到生态批评家的重视,他们 自一开始就把兴趣放在田园诗传统上.耐人寻味的是,一直在探索农事与田园之关系的是一批研究18世纪农事诗的学者,如大卫·法里尔和胡安·克里斯丁·佩里塞尔,他们指出二者既有区分亦存在重叠.我们需要以崭新的框架看待田园-农事传统,深入挖掘作品,此类文本必不会简单地将理想与担当、审美与实践、休闲与劳作、闲暇与事务进行两分化处理.吉福德在文中阐述道:农事与田园在某种形式上的融合所生发的后田园视角,能够超越单一形式的局限,而这一观点的具体验证便是对乔治·蒙比奥特的《野性》与伊莎贝拉·特里的《野化》中的田园和农事元素所作的比较研究.吉福德的结论是:若我们采用农事诗学作为一种阅读策略,或可注意到农事书写传统实则延绵不绝,直至今 日.吉福德最后列举的几个案例也证明了这一点.
环境健康研究关注环境因素与人类健康的联系,其主题具有鲜明的时空特征.环境健康问题是陈阿江围绕水污染展开的环境社会学研究的重要分支,他与团队始终坚持对环境-健康因果联系的本质性思考.陈阿江的环境健康研究关注环境因素与人类健康的联系,从科学与社会两条进路探索问题的源头、表征与社会效应,并提出框架性的分析思路.他的环境健康研究包含两条主线,一是基于科学事实,直面环境健康问题的科学不确定性;二是基于社会事实,捕捉环境健康问题的社会建构逻辑.陈阿江的环境健康研究为平衡经济与环境要素的区域发展政策制定提供了理论基础与经验支撑,具有重大的意义.
耿车模式是20世纪80年代颇具特色的中国式现代化发展模式之一.由于环境与产业互为嵌构的特点,后续的环境治理成为其发展的重要影响变量.文章通过实地调查及查阅文献资料,对耿车镇以及与其关联的光武镇、沙集镇进行比较研究,发现针对早期极其相似的废旧塑料回收加工行业,耿车镇通过环境治理而取缔,并由家具电商行业来替代,光武镇则采取相对温和的措施进行环境治理,并向塑料深加工方向发展;继废旧塑料行业之后,耿车镇对家具电商产业采取严格的环境整治措施,而处于行政区内相对边缘的沙集镇没有采取激进的整治措施.文章通过比较发现,环境治理对地方经济增长有一定的影响,但经济发展自身的规定性仍然起重要作用.
文章在重新界定绿色税收之概念与内涵的基础上,通过选取2001-2019年间30个省份的相关面板数据,运用系统广义矩估计方法,实证检验了绿色税收对污染减排以及节能降耗的影响.结果表明:绿色税收对污染减排作用显著,但对节能降耗产生的效应还有待提升.需要从优化污染物测度及税额征纳方法、扩展征税范围、健全税款专用与资金调节机制、开征碳税等方面,通过制度创新实现环境保护与经济发展的协调共生.
对环境问题社会成因的阐述应该围绕"环境问题的社会性"展开.与社会转型论、政经一体化论直接将这种"社会性"确定为社会转轨、工业技术、制度政策等不同,以陈阿江为代表的社会文化论研究者以利益相关者为分析工具,阐述了不同层次的社会文化要素对社会行动者的驱动逻辑,生成了由微观层面的社会行动论、中观层面的结构-机制论和宏观层面的社会历史论所组成的解释框架.该解释框架的影响评价显示,这一理论模式对中国不同领域的环境问题具有相当强的解释力,是理解当代中国环境危机成因的重要理论范式,也是建构中国环境社会学本土话语体系的重要成果.
编者按:21世纪初以来,中国环境社会学快速发展,河海大学社会学系陈阿江教授是这一领域的领跑者和代表性学者.他长期深耕于工业污染、面源污染、环境健康、垃圾治理、气候变化、绿色发展等诸多环境社会学议题,取得了丰硕的研究成果:主持国家社会科学基金项目3项,省部级科研项目多项;出版专著《制度创新与区域发展》(2000年)、《次生焦虑——太湖流域水污染的社会解读》(2010年)、《"癌症村"调查》(2013年),《城市生活垃圾处置的困境与出路》(2016年)、《面源污染的社会成因及其应对——太湖流域、巢湖流域农村地区的经验研究》(2020年)等多部;在《社会学研究》、《中国社会科学》(内部文稿)、《社会学评论》、《探索与争鸣》、《学海》、《江苏社会科学》等刊物发表学术论文70余篇,多篇论文被《中国社会科学文摘》及中国人民大学报刊复印资料等全文转载或摘录.2022年主持创办《环境社会学》集刊并担任主编.
气候危机已经成为当前许多人关注的现实问题,应当为儿童和青年提供有关气候减缓抉择的教育.文章借鉴批判教育学、政治生态学和环境正义的相关理论,建议提供批判性气候教育,它可以为公民提供以负责任的行动应对气候危机的知识和技能.学生们需要学会批判性审视自己国家在减少温室气体排放方面所采取的措施,并讨论这些措施是否有助于实现气候时空正义.批判性气候教育还应深入阐释为什么人们拥护一些气候减缓的替代方案,而不是选择更多气候时空正义的方案.批判性气候教育有必要通过案例研究来阐明气候减缓措施的抉择,挪威就在忽视气候正义的背景下作出了气候减缓抉择.
"生态文明"一词有双重内涵,生态文明A指的是工业文明的环境保护,生态文明B指的是工业文明后的一种新文明.当前学术界存在着将二者混同起来的错误认识,导致虽然生态文明B被设定为一种全新的文明,但对它的阐释却依旧立足于环境保护的基础之上.生态文明B的真正内涵是以人与世界的共在式关系代替人与世界的对象式关系,进而从整体上克服工业文明所形成的主客对立问题,从而建构起一种全新的共同体文明.中国式现代化道路是对工业文明的整体性超越,是建立在共在式思维基础之上的共同体文明,与生态文明B高度契合.
