近年来,土耳其在购买俄罗斯"S-400"导弹系统、在叙利亚的军事行动、围绕东地中海油气资源的开发等问题上都与北约盟友激烈对立,引发盟友对其北约身份的质疑.2022年乌克兰危机升级,再次引发了土耳其作为北约成员国资格的讨论.土耳其与北约之间的这些矛盾可以追溯到20世纪60年代,其核心是土耳其认为北约的"集体威慑"并不能给自己带来安全保障,土耳其的国家利益与北约联盟的利益并不处在同一轨道上.冷战结束后,当年迫使土耳其加入北约的地缘政治环境正在加速变化,北约联盟新的集体威慑对象也变成了所谓"恐怖主义".但在应对全球及地区恐怖主义威胁时,土耳其的国家安全利益与美国及北约的联盟利益形成了根本对立,土耳其成为令北约"头疼的伙伴".究竟土耳其是否继续留在北约联盟,以及北约是否继续容纳土耳其,既要看土耳其的外交战略选择,又要看国际地缘政治格局的变化,更要依赖彼此间的分歧管控智慧.

China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and Türkiye’s Middle Corridor (MC) are two ambitious initiatives that foster trans-continental integration. These two grand schemes have been developed independently of one another. Nonetheless, they have the common objective of connecting Europe and Asia as well as facilitating commercial, economic, political, and socio-cultural interactions between the two continents. While the MC is one of the most important components of the BRI, the alignment of these two projects will offer a range of benefits for Türkiye’s MC, especially in finding alternative financing sources. This article aims to examine the history, objectives, and phases of Türkiye's MC. In doing so, it harmonizes the BRI with the MC and examines the opportunities that the integration offers for the region, as well as its inherent risks and challenges. This research is also significant and worthwhile as it provides insights into the compatibility of the BRI and the MC.

The China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) is a pilot flagship project of China's Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). Although this project has been received in a relatively positive manner by actors regionally and worldwide, it has also been subject to serious criticisms in domestic and international publications. These criticisms include the claims that Pakistan might become a colony or province of China, and that Pakistan is faced with a debt-trap as a result of Chinese loans. This article outlines these claims and proceeds to show that neither stands up to close scrutiny. Moreover, the article approach is alienated into two parts; first, looks at how the distinctive criticism propagated by critics whilst secondly, a critical approach is used to debunk all these criticism with the help of respondents' reactions. Consequently, it may provide few policy recommendations.

This article analyses the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and its implications for landlocked Ethiopia. Primary and secondary data sources are used to solicit viable information. The BRI is aimed to enhance policy coordination, financial integration, promote trade and investment, cultural exchanges and people-to-people relations across a wide geographical area involving Asia, Europe and Africa. The BRI is the next step in China’s global strategy after the reform and opening-up period, and it is important for job creation, infrastructural development, trade and investment and other related developments for landlocked least developing countries such as Ethiopia. For instance, the construction of the early BRI project of Addis Ababa–Djibouti railway has reduced transport costs and shortened the transport time from 3 days to 10 hours. Besides, the establishment of the East African Free Trade Agreement (FTA) at Djibouti by the Chinese government to facilitate trade in the region. Cumulatively, the BRI contributes to the growth of trade and investment opportunities for landlocked Ethiopia in terms of financing, infrastructure development and regional integration.

中国改革开放的初级阶段是促进商品和要素跨境流动的开放,然后是体制、规则、标准的改革,是谓“改革开放进入深水区”.全球治理基本也是如此,先是经济贸易方面的便利,然后是规则、体系,乃至与规则体系密切相关的文化与价值理念等方面的变革,是谓“新的全球治理”或者“全球治理体系变革”.中国要推动全球治理体系变革,在全球治理中发挥引领作用,需要对当下的全球化时代人类社会发展的态势有深刻的洞察和把握,要认识到当今人类社会已经处于一个“新轴心时代”.唯有对这个新轴心时代的特征有了充分理解和认识,我们的治理理念才能经得起检验,我们的全球治理理论建构和路径设计才更具有自信.

Pakistan's geographical location is ideal for China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) Project, and it formally recognizes as an iconic mode of Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) plan. This corridor is laid at the cross intersection of three regions of economic growth include: China, Central Asian Republics and South Asia. R plays a vital role of inter-connectivity between these three regions, where three billions of inhabitants live, which is roughly half of the world population. The central argument of the paper is sternly conceptual and based on the subsequent arguments: foremost, the foundation of CPEC project is a green signal for the regional connectivity, mutual cooperation, economic growth and stability of the entire region of South and Central Asia. Secondly, the topographical position of Pakistan has an incredible potential for corridor development and manipulation process. Thirdly, due to the iconic model of belt and road initiative plan, the CPEC corridor has broad potential for regional economic growth because of shared boundaries and cross intersection position with China, CARs and South Asia. Finally, with the copious fruitful opportunities, this project facades somber challenges internally and outwardly. Hence, this study uses a positive-sum logic to analyze central argument and also discusses the policy inputs that may be prolific for regional growth and reforms of the project.

Under a strongly entrenched and powerful regime since the Han Dynasty, China has formed a unique state-lead, church-follow' model, in which the secular regime always incorporates religious affairs into its national administration. The Chinese Communist Party's religious policy has largely remained an inheritance of the practice dating back to ancient times. In response to the great religious awakening' in the age of reform, especially the political risks that religion was seen to pose after the downfall of the USSR and the disintegration of the Communist bloc in Eastern Europe, the Party proposed a policy of management of religious affairs according to law'. This self-centred' policy is being challenged, yet is crucial to social and political stability.

"一战"爆发后,英国开始调整其传统的中东政策.根据战时英国主导的多边协定,库尔德斯坦被分割为英、法、俄三国的势力范围,这一安排契合了英国重建中东防御的需要.出于战略和经济考虑,在已与奥斯曼帝国签订停战协定的情况下,英印联军占领了战时协定划给法国的南库尔德斯坦地区.迫于缩减财政支出和裁撤兵员的压力,英国无力在这一地区施行直接统治,扶植一个亲英的库尔德斯坦自治政府作为美索不达米亚北部的战略缓冲区这一政策获得了英国政府的支持.《色佛尔条约》正式确认了库尔德民族自治.但随着凯末尔领导的民族解放运动的发展和英国内外决策环境的变化,英国最终选择抛弃库尔德自治方案.

Intended as a pilot flagship project under the Chinese-led Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) has received relatively positive responses from actors in and outside the South Asian region. Islamabad, New Delhi, and Washington have offered their support to the project to varying degrees, because the financial commitments made by Beijing can help narrow the substantial funding gap for regional infrastructure connectivity. Nevertheless, enduring animosity and mistrust between India and Pakistan and growing strategic competition between Beijing and Washington present the biggest challenges to the project’s sustainable progress. Although the unfolding U.S.-China competition has not tangibly affected regional cooperation, as Washington’s enthusiasm for and investment in the U.S.-led Indo-Pacific Economic Corridor (IPEC) remain low compared with China’s down payment, the potential change in the balance of power in South Asia has triggered increasing concern from and collaboration between the United States and India. By highlighting the positive-sum logic of improved infrastructure interconnection as well as greater economic integration, and contributing to a more stable geopolitical environment in South Asia, Beijing can help alleviate the longstanding enmity between India and Pakistan and assuage Washington’s and New Delhi’s skepticism about its strategic intentions.

近年来土耳其国内政治变化不断,抗议、政变、肃清、公投、选举、体制转换、紧急状态法等等,不一而足;外交方面,土美矛盾日趋加剧,土欧之间阴晴交织,土俄之间关系时好时坏,土耳其似乎充满了“不确定性”.但是伴随着对土美关系的深层解读和对新的“土耳其—欧洲”叙述框架的探索,了解了20世纪70年代以来的土耳其“民族观念运动”,便可更好地理解当下埃尔多安新土耳其的国家发展理念,也可理解土美、土欧关系的张力,以及自20世纪70年代之后美国对土耳其的外交政策发生转变的原因.

:This article explores China’s contemporary energy initiative with the Islamic Republic of Iran, which is one of the largest energy reserves regions. Iran is one of the five natural gas producers and top 10 oil producers in the world – it has an asset of 1/3 of OPEC natural gas reserves. China has initiated the upstream and downstream joint ventures with Iran, banks and backed-loans policies and its companies of national oil are mounting the capacity of energy that will flow from Iran. China’s financial potency, zero military installation and limited political involvement in the region gives her a unique balance from its open access to the Iran energy resources. Critically, it is evidenced that the political implications of China’s energy gaining strategy, the potential for conflict, cooperation with the US, and the probability of the repositioning of major powers in Iran will give China a unique vantage point in the future. It’s an epicenter for US-China rivalry too.

盖勒普等研究机构的数据表明,伊斯兰世界反美情绪的高涨很大程度上是美国不恰当的外交政策造成的.而在"9·11"恐怖袭击前三年出台的《国际宗教自由法》是压垮骆驼的又一根稻草.由"新宗教右翼"推动的这部法案将主要矛头对准伊斯兰,谴责穆斯林世界对基督徒的迫害,这种做法更加剧了穆斯林世界的反感.实际上,有关宗教迫害的指责更多是来自美国保守派基督徒根深蒂固的偏见.奥巴马政府提出要开创美国与阿拉伯世界关系的"新起点",建立互敬、合作的新型外交关系,即是对以往国际宗教自由政策的战略性调整.

“民族观念运动”是一场主要由土耳其前总理纳杰梅丁·埃尔巴坎领导的,从二十世纪七十年代开始一直持续至今的伊斯兰政党运动.伊斯兰政党的兴起除经济、社会、心理、文化和意识形态等原因外,还与国家主动的吸纳战略有重要关联.作为一场持续40年的伊斯兰政治运动,“民族观念运动”的发展、高潮、危机和持续过程有助于我们更好地理解现代化与世俗化的关系、宗教与民主的关系以及宗教复兴的复杂原因.

:The Turkish "National Outlook Movement", defined as a continuous Islamic Political Parties' movement since the 1970s was led by Turkish former Prime Minister Necmettin Erbakan. Apart from factors of economy, society, psychology, culture and ideology, the rise of Islamic Political parties was due to the inclusion-coaptation strategy initiated by the state. As a 40 years' lasting movement, the development, climax, crisis and continuity of "National Outlook Movement" will be of great help in understanding the relationship between modernization and secularization, religion and democracy, as well as the complex reasons of religious revival.

本文通过对智利教会20世纪60年代革命背景的交代,以及70年代保护人权行动机构“团结工会”的具体描述,揭示了其以及智利教会中不同团体在军事独裁时期由“革命”的政治行动到“保护人权”的社会行动的转变.并试图指出产生这一转变的原因给拉美教会以及社会所带来的影响.

基督教民主主义在20世纪后半期的拉丁美洲不仅仅作为一种思潮存在于制度性的教会和广大信徒之中,还通过组建政党、参与竞选、制定并实施相关的政策来诠释自身所秉承的天主教理念.在当时的拉美国家中,智利基督教民主党就是这样一个典型.它所具有的异于“左右之争”、带有调和性和包容性的“第三条道路”特征,在不长的时间内改变了智利的政治格局,并成功充当了左右两派之间的缓冲器.然而,在执政后随着角色的转换,原有的优势逐渐变成了劣势,从而导致了这一实践的阶段性失败.

When dealing with the social problems in Latin America,liberation theology creatively employs some arguments of Marxism and is therefore regarded as of special "relation" with Marxism.In fact,under its superficial closeness to Marxism,what drives liberation theology most is its inherent theodicy logic.