Pan-Islamism is understood as a form of “proto-nationalism” or “macro-nationalism.”A concept invented by Europeans in the1870s,Pan-Islamism now refers to the idea and practices of actors（both Muslims and non-Muslims）promoting “Islamic unity” by mobilizing the Islamic world to achieve political goals.The defining features of Pan-Islamism include using Islamic symbols,seeking political goals,and transnational mobilization.PanIslamism has no absolute good or bad in itself and the nature of certain Pan-Islamic actions or policies depends on who used it,for what purpose,and how.So far,there have been at least three theoretical narratives of Pan-Islamism,represented by Nam?k Kemal, Jamal al-Din Al-Afghani, and some Islamists,respectively.Nam?k Kemal focused on saving the Ottoman Empire from its severe crisis in the late 19 th century.Afghani’s core concerns were Islamic revival and anti-imperialism.The Islamists who resort to Pan-Islamism can be called “Global Islamists” and they are different from “National Islamists” due to their particular understanding of the “Islamic order.”Pan-Islamism is not the standard feature of Islamism.Instead,it has been a preference and choice of some Islamists.While the strength of Pan-Islamism comes from the religious beliefs and feelings of Muslims,its idea of “Islamic unity” or “Muslim unity” must not be confused with the principle of mutual help and love among Muslims stipulated by the religion of Islam.In short,Pan-Islamism is an instrument of its proponents to serve political goals.

要从理论上厘清中华民族与各民族、中华民族与国家、民族与国家的关系,有必要引入中国原生的"国族"概念.从词形看,"国族"一词最早见于《礼记》;但就词义论,当溯及《诗经》中"邦族"一词.中国国族形态的历史发展可分四个历史阶段,分别是氏族型国族、邦国型国族、中国人和中华民族."中华民族"概念的内涵有狭义和广义之分.狭义中华民族是中国国族,包括中国全体公民,指代国家整体.广义中华民族是文化民族,包括中国全体公民以及海外所有认同于中国国家或中华文明的人,指代中华文明共同体.作为国族的中华民族在成员和覆盖范围方面与中国国家重合,与主权国家互为表里,与国内各民族之间是双重的整体与局部关系.国家在政治和法理上高于国内各民族,作为国族的中华民族亦然.政治一体和文化多元是狭义中华民族与国内各民族关系的底线.狭义中华民族是中国在世界民族之林的唯一代表,其实体性、统一性和整体性以国家主权为依据和保障.广义中华民族之海外成员的身份主要取决于成员对中华文明和中国国家的归属意识与认同.

一国社会政治结构同其主要行为体之间持续互动互构:一方面,社会政治环境塑造行为体的价值观和行为方式,并通过正式和非正式制度影响其行动后果;另一方面,人的精神具有超越现实的内在属性,人们总是向往"更好的"生活,并以自己认为正确的方式行动,或多或少地推动环境和社会政治结构的演化.塔利班本身是阿富汗社会政治环境的产物,但过去20年,它和美国也从不同角度推动了阿富汗社会政治结构的变迁.

本文从内外两个维度梳理阿富汗四十年政治和解努力及其基本特点,分析当前和解的困局以及在中长期阻碍和解进程的结构性障碍,并进一步探究和解的前提条件.迄今阿富汗的对外和解取得了成功,国内和解却一再失败.对外和解成功的关键在于交战大国改变了战争意志,其变化的具体过程各异,最后都以撤军结束战争.对内和解屡屡失败的核心症结是交战各方的权力斗争.当前和解进程的首要障碍是塔利班坚持边打边谈,谋求利益最大化.2020年塔利班与加尼政府关于"程序原则"的争执,矛头已直接指向国体和政体.谈判各方之间缺乏政治互信、各方内部的矛盾和分歧、外国力量干预、政治生态"利战"而不"利和",则是影响阿富汗和解进程主要的结构性障碍.因此,当前的政治和解进程既是宝贵的机遇,也是脆弱和可逆的.阿富汗的和平建设离不开四个前提条件:交战各方真诚的和平意愿与妥协精神、包容性和解、国家经济发展、国际社会的积极支持.阿富汗要摆脱战争、实现和平,还有很长的路要走.

"伊斯兰主义"是17世纪末法国人发明的词汇,原指伊斯兰教,20世纪初被弃用.20世纪70年代,伊斯兰主义被重新赋值后再度流行,成为一个政治术语,指称一种政治意识形态.伊斯兰主义政治意识形态是以伊斯兰教为旗号和工具的政治思想及实践,其要旨在于夺取国家政权和社会控制权.它的核心主张是:以伊斯兰的名义...>>详细"伊斯兰主义"是17世纪末法国人发明的词汇,原指伊斯兰教,20世纪初被弃用.20世纪70年代,伊斯兰主义被重新赋值后再度流行,成为一个政治术语,指称一种政治意识形态.伊斯兰主义政治意识形态是以伊斯兰教为旗号和工具的政治思想及实践,其要旨在于夺取国家政权和社会控制权.它的核心主张是:以伊斯兰的名义,反对"非伊斯兰"的人和物,要求建立所谓"伊斯兰国家"和"伊斯兰秩序",推进社会政治生活的"全面伊斯兰化".这三者分别是它的世界观、政治目标和方法论.伊斯兰主义的政治影响力归根结底依赖于它有多少信奉者和实践者.伊斯兰主义者与普通穆斯林的不同在于,他们把伊斯兰主义混同于伊斯兰教,通过直接或隐秘的方法谋求国家权力或社会权威.

2021年8月15日,阿富汗塔利班宣布"战争已经结束".9月7日,塔利班公布了新政府主要成员名单.近期阿富汗国内安全局势趋好,但仍有动荡风险和隐患,还需要切实推进政治和解.阿富汗的政治和解进程迄今已有约40年历史.阿富汗塔利班再度执政后,和解正进入新阶段,产生了一些新的特点和任务,不过仍道阻且长.

The relationship between the United States and the Taliban since 1994 can be categorized into four stages, that is, friendly engagement, disputes and escalation of differences, head-on military confrontation, and fighting while negotiating. This paper briefly outlines the historical context of the relationship, expounds on the main factors that have shaped US–Taliban relations at different stages, and explores three major variables, namely, practical interests, religions and ideologies, and third-party factors. This paper argues that the 2020 peace agreement between the United States and the Taliban might open a new chapter in US–Taliban relations, but the withdrawal of US troops does not mean the US will leave Afghanistan entirely. Given the complicated situations on the ground, the peace agreement does not guarantee real peace in Afghanistan, either.

“民族”(nation)概念原生于欧洲,自进入中国以来便争议不断;核心概念分歧在某种程度上已成民族理论建设的重大障碍.nation不单是抽象的概念,它已随着欧洲人扩及全球,不仅成为范式重构了亚非拉的历史叙事和社会关系,而且确立为世界政治的基本图式,即所谓民族国家体系.中国的民族理论建设需要正视现实,包括中国社会已经民族化的事实,以及中国大一统文化观念的强大生命力等.民族概念是民族理论的基石,但我们不能继续困顿于概念争议中,而应该根据国情重新界定其内涵,以此摆脱西方术语的羁绊.民族理论建设需要重新发现中国社会内在的团结力和生命力,需要确立中国社会主义民族关系的基本原则.除了核心概念界定以外,民族理论建设的关键是界定并厘清个人、民族、国族、国家这四大支点之间的关系.

<span id="ChDivSummary" name="ChDivSummary" class="abstract-text">地区研究是印度国际问题研究的主要内容。印度地区研究的学科设立和发展都由政府主导,学校和研究机构本身的自由空间相当有限;重视应用研究和实证研究,理论研究相对较弱,但理论的觉醒和反思已经出现;其研究覆盖地区范围广,每个地区都有数量不等的专家,但不同地区之间的比较研究还很少见;印度学者正积极谋求扩大在国际社会的影响力,包括学术影响力、毕业生国际化就业等。</span>

最近十几年来,基地是国际恐怖主义的首要代表.基于对基地组织体系和意识形态的研究可以发现,基地在不断演化中,其走上激进、极端和暴力恐怖主义道路是一个政治过程.政治对抗是关键.基地意识形态既服务于政治对抗,也谋求建立哈里发,以圣战主义为核心道路.伊斯兰国(ISIS)是基地哈里发观念的一种实践.随着基地的演化和变异,特别是“独狼”、本土恐怖分子、ISIS等新形态的出现,需要超越“恐怖组织”、“非传统安全”、“非对称对抗”等观念化模式,重新审视当代恐怖主义威胁.基地恐怖主义使近现代民族国家观念和国际政治秩序面临重大理论挑战,但它伤害最深和最直接的是伊斯兰和穆斯林世界,特别是它正在代言和书写伊斯兰的努力,格外值得关注.

大国政治是阿富汗历史的一部分.大国政治巩固和加深了阿富汗社会政治分裂,对地区和世界和平产生深远影响.另一方面,阿富汗也影响着大国的政治命运.19-20世纪阿富汗的大国政治主要呈现为两极体系,当前却是多国同台、各显其能的局面.阿富汗稳定繁荣、反恐怖主义、反毒品是国际社会的共同利益,但这一原则共识并没有改变大国政治的内在逻辑.2014年底,阿富汗国家建设进入转型期,其大国政治没有“转型”,没有出现所谓政治真空.在阿富汗重建的平台上,大国政治正以地区一体化战略、管线铺设、资源开发及其规范、发展援助等隐秘形式展开.

巴基斯坦俾路支民族主义是族裔民族主义的典型个案,多次引发暴力冲突.巴基斯坦历届政府尝试了多种政策；但是,从军事高压到政治怀柔和经济发展的努力,都没有取得明显效果.基于俾路支民族主义的历史演进过程,本文认为,俾路支问题之所以长期存在,主要是因为:第一,俾路支民族主义力量同巴联邦政府的关系,被简化为不同族群之间控制与反控制的斗争；第二,双方互不信任,联邦政府的政策初衷同政策执行过程以及俾路支民族主义力量对相关政策的解读及其宣传之间,存在较大鸿沟且难以协调.各种政策都难见成效.第三,地区和国际政治力量的插手与干预.

The influence of a political Islam organization upon the political landscape in the Middle East and North Africa(MENA) depends on how well its stance represents and guides the majority.Hizb ut-Tahrir claims that the MENA protestors are not fighting for democracy,but for an Islamic system.A Pew survey shows that the majority of Muslims welcome Islam's influence in politics.However,this does not mean that they fully agree with the position of political Islam,let alone extremism.Many Muslims say democracy is desirable,though their definition of democracy differs from that of the West.Therefore,the Arab Spring is not a western-style democratic revolution.

:Marking a new chapter of extremism as well as terrorism in South Asia, Pakistani Taliban movement is a product of the regional geo-political changes. Taliban’s penetration into Pakistan and its expansion from FATA and NWFP to the hinterland have been well-known as “the Talibanization of Pakistan”. As a matter of fact, this process is “the Pakistanization of Taliban” too. Since its birth in December 2007, Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) has been evolving some new characters which in some sense differs from its Afghanistan counterpart. Notwithstanding Pakistan military establishment’s massive action since 2009, TTP is now integrating kinds of militant groups into its terrorist enterprise, which not only puts Pakistan into difficulty but also breeds new variables for the regional politics.

The Islamic identity is the essential condition, though not the sufficient one, for the formation of Muslim nationalism. The idea of "Muslim" is the outcome of specific historical circumstances, which originated from the cognition of the elite Muslims in South Asia, and evolved into the identity of the Muslim community by way of the top-down mobilization. The changing concept from Sir Edward Said’s Muslim to the territorial nationalism exhibited in the Pakistan Movement, is the result of the combined factors of regional and international political circumstances, British colonial policies, relations between Muslims and Hindus, and interactions between All India Muslim League and Indian National Congress. Therefore, Muslim nationalism is not only a transcendental feeling and belief, but also an outcome of political experience. Moreover, the Muslims in the subcontinent are not a unified homogenous body, famous Islamic scholars such as Sayyid Abul A’la Maududi, and some Islamic political groups are opposed to Muslim nationalism.

In the past 30 years,West Asian countries in the Arab world experienced three major stages of political changes:the oil boom and political instability,attempts at democratic reform,and the Muslim world's response to globalization. Since the 1990s,the democratization and liberalization of West Asian Arab countries has not made significant progress; so far,authoritarian regimes still remain dominant. At the same time,the strength of the Islamic Revival grows rapidly. Along with the extremism and radicalism,it already has and will continue to actively participate in changing and shaping the national,regional,and global political orders. The path of political development in West Asian Arab countries is an important type of the diversity of global social development.

Al-Dawa is a missionary community founded by Mohammad Ilyas. In the beginning the Al-Dawa community tended to stay away from political participation and secular affairs. But now it has become involved in both regional and international politics,and is connected to radical political forces and extremist terrorist activities. The Al-Dawa community has become globalized,organized,and institutionalized.

Islam was not born with the identity of politics.The ideology of political Islam was a product of politicalization of Islam pursued by politician who tried to bring enthusiasm of the masses to political track,through reinterpreting some religion propositions and inventing tradition,so that some designated political positions were fabricated as religious responsibility.The voice of political Islam has both religion and politics identities,including three level of contents:"real faith",al-Shari'ah or Islam state and Uma,and its core target is to obtain political power.Academically,there are following formations for political Islam to sum up:cultural formation model,Structural-system formation model,identity-security model and agent formation model.The key to understand Islam phenomenon is politicalization.It is worth to notice the profound influence of politicalization on development of Islam itself.

在伊斯兰文化中,"乌玛"首先是信仰,属于观念的范畴;它同时又是经验的历史,属于实践的范畴。"乌玛"还是现代政治伊斯兰话语的核心词汇之一,政治伊斯兰运动深刻影响着人们对于乌玛的认知和想象。本文从观念和实践两个层面考察了"乌玛"的内涵及其演变过程,力图还原乌玛信仰和乌玛实践的客观历史,以便识别现代政治伊斯兰关于"乌玛"的话语。本文把乌玛观念区分为基于伊斯兰教经典文本的乌玛信仰,和基于对这些文本的重新解读或对乌玛信仰的利用而形成的乌玛话语;同时还把历史上的乌玛政治实践同现代政治伊斯兰"重建乌玛"的斗争区分开来。尽管当代政治伊斯兰运动借乌玛信仰为依据,并且宣称以先知创建麦地那乌玛为榜样,但是其乌玛话语属于政治斗争的范畴,其实践难以超越民族国家体系的制约。

Religious nationalism has become an important phenomenon in the political arena of the world. This paper first tells about researchers' main achievements in the field. Then, it discusses how "religion" and "nationalism" merged into "religious nationalism", and how religious nationalism differs with religious movement or secular nationalism. As a socio-political phenomenon, religious nationalism can not revert to pure religious movement or secular nationalism. Its cause is not transcendentalor purely spiritual, but rather circumstantial. And there exists no universal, singular, or fixed religious nationalism.