The rise of the Global South, already an important factor in contemporary global politics, has initiated and will continue to instigate huge changes in international order. Since World War II, the rise of the Global South has transitioned through three stages: decolonization (1945–1989), globalization (1990–2008), and the rise of emerging economies as a group (since 2009). Countries in the South acted first as “rebels”, then “responsive participants” and now as “active agents” within the system. Through the three stages of development, the rise of the Global South has caused varying changes in international order at different levels and in different regions and fields. These changes, however, all manifest in three aspects: power structure, modes of international interactions, and international rules and systems. Revealing the interactions and mechanisms between the rise of the Global South and the changes in contemporary international order both vertically and horizontally will contribute to further understanding the great changes and general direction of today’s world politics.
德国安全研究同德国在欧洲和国际政治中的地位与作用密不可分,"谨慎克制"和"联欧 自强"是第二次世界大战以后德国安全研究两个核心原则."谨慎克制"的 目的在于缓解欧洲国家对德国的安全忧虑,而"联欧自强"则在此基础上通过欧洲一体化维持和提升德国的国际影响力.通过对"德国问题"的探讨和欧洲一体化问题的考察,战后德国安全研究反思战争责任,对军事力量的使用持谨慎克制态度,强调将德国安全融入西方一体化进程中,在消解欧洲安全困境的同时追求德国在欧洲乃至国际体系中的平等地位.然而,随着欧洲安全局势变革和统一后德国实力与影响力的增长,谨慎克制的安全理念不断受到挑战,欧洲各国对德国的安全忧虑再次加剧,这不可避免地影响到德国"联欧 自强"目标的实现.在此背景下,关于德国在欧洲领导力与安全贡献的"新德国问题"成为德国安全研究的重要议题.
朝鲜半岛特殊的地缘政治环境及国土分裂的现实塑造了韩国国家安全研究.在研究议题上,大国竞争与韩国的安全战略选择、朝鲜半岛分裂及朝核问题是韩国国家安全研究的主要议题,韩国国家安全研究的问题意识具有明显的本土性.在研究范式上,韩国学界广泛借助西方国际关系理论范式与研究方法.同时,考虑到本土问题与西方范式之间的错位,韩国学界也进行了反思,其中,加强外交史研究与区域国别的研究是学界提出的两条重要思路.经过几十年的发展,韩国国家安全研究的力量得到了很大的发展,大批留美归国博士是韩国国家安全研究的重要力量,这提升了韩国安全研究的学术规范性与国际化水平.另外,通过学科规划、课程设置等方面的努力,韩国国家安全研究的学科体系不断完善,人才培养体系也基本确立.通过国策研究机构、社会智库的发展,学术研究与政策决策之间也形成了有效的交流渠道.
一、水资源安全研究的兴起 刘磊(以下简称"刘"):水资源安全议题是如何进入国际关系研究领域成为一个重要研究议题? 李志斐(以下简称"李"):水是人类生存和发展不可或缺的自然资源,是人类文明起源的基础,四大文明古国古巴比伦、古埃及、古代中国和古印度均诞生于水源丰富之地.水源丰富,土地才能肥沃,农业才能发展,人类才能得以繁衍生息,并逐渐兴起商业.公元前4500年,底格里斯河和幼发拉底河流域的两个城邦国拉什加和乌姆马之间因争夺河流用水而发生战争,自此之后,水问题就逐渐成为各国在处理国家间关系时需要考虑的议题之一.
在非洲国家独立之后,非洲国家间边界充满韧性的.一个表征是分离主义运动相对较少.对后殖民时期非洲的分离主义运动进行整体性梳理与类型学划分,具有重要的学术价值与现实意义.在后殖民时期的非洲,"是否寻求创立新的国家"与"是否采用强制力"是判断分离主义运动的两个条件,而"军事斗争能力"与"分离主义目标的实现程度"构成了对非洲分离主义运动进行类型学划分的基本维度.后殖民时期非洲分离主义运动呈现出一些主要特征,如倾向于从特殊的殖民经历中寻求合法性、较少出现跨国家边界的分离主义运动及充满了内在的分裂倾向.在2005南苏丹分离主义问题达成政治解决方案后,非洲的分离主义运动出现了"和平化"以及日益与伊斯兰势力相结合的新趋向.
1983年,美国和苏联围绕"韩航事件"的互动使其发展成一场特殊的"危机".里根政府的危机管理既体现谨慎的克制,又展示愤怒的宣传,这种在"克制"和"愤怒"之间的平衡是这场危机没有全面升级的重要原因,但仍极大增加了苏联在道义和制度层面的国际压力.在此次危机中,两国主管部门之间存在不对等及特性差异,这在一定程度上导致双方对危机事态的判断出现差别."韩航事件"扭转了美苏关系松动的势头,实质性地提前冻结了美苏军控谈判及其他合作的进程.在危机降级过程中,美国希望持续施压的同时,主动试探对苏"务实的重新接触",抓住时机,提出恢复低层次合作,得到苏联有限的积极回应.美国的这一举措有助于双方在高度战略互疑的形势下维持最基本互动,不至于双边关系脱轨.此次危机管理产生的积极成果是1985年美苏 日就防止类似事件再次发生所签署的备忘录,以及1986年三方开通新的航空通话系统.
"美国梦"是一个具有强烈意识形态色彩的词语,其来源可以追溯到北美殖民地时期.随着美国历史的发展和变化,其内涵不断丰富和发展."美国梦"在产生初期常常被视为"个人之梦""移民之梦",但随着国家政治概念的强化而变成"美国之梦""民族之梦",成为美国政治、经济和社会文化中不可缺少的推动力,对美国的发展和强大起到 了特殊的催进作用."美国梦"包括希望、信心、机遇、平等、成功、美好、繁荣、努力、决心和主观能动性等关键词,这些关键词共同构筑了"美国梦"的核心涵义.然而,随着美国的政治极化、社会矛盾、通货膨胀、阶层固化等一系列长期存在的问题不断加剧,"美国梦"对内已经沦为以阶层上升、经济成功、生活幸福为特征的中产阶级式的个人发展愿景,对外则成为美国在全球各地输出美国式的经济、政治、文化和意识形态的工具.
Norm contestation has emerged as a forefront issue in the study of International Relations theories.It is both an extension of the constructivist international norm studies agenda and an outcome driven by the recent changes in world politics.From the theoretical standpoint,norm contestation studies emphasizes the inherent contradictions within norm structures and the dynamic entanglement of multiple actors as key drivers for norm contestation and evolution.In empirical studies,scholars have explored various political debates and competitions that occur in the processes of norm formation and development, norm application and implementation, and its transformations.Contestation can either weaken or strengthen norms.How to measure and explain the effects of contestation and whether contestation influences the stability of the norms remain the focus of current debates.While the study of norm contestation has opened up new research areas and promoted theoretical progress in the field of International Relations,it also suffers from fragmentation and other problems.Future research should emphasize ontology and echo the practical needs of the changing world and China’s diplomacy.Issues such as contestation strategies can be explored further.
Pan-Islamism is understood as a form of “proto-nationalism” or “macro-nationalism.”A concept invented by Europeans in the1870s,Pan-Islamism now refers to the idea and practices of actors（both Muslims and non-Muslims）promoting “Islamic unity” by mobilizing the Islamic world to achieve political goals.The defining features of Pan-Islamism include using Islamic symbols,seeking political goals,and transnational mobilization.PanIslamism has no absolute good or bad in itself and the nature of certain Pan-Islamic actions or policies depends on who used it,for what purpose,and how.So far,there have been at least three theoretical narratives of Pan-Islamism,represented by Nam?k Kemal, Jamal al-Din Al-Afghani, and some Islamists,respectively.Nam?k Kemal focused on saving the Ottoman Empire from its severe crisis in the late 19 th century.Afghani’s core concerns were Islamic revival and anti-imperialism.The Islamists who resort to Pan-Islamism can be called “Global Islamists” and they are different from “National Islamists” due to their particular understanding of the “Islamic order.”Pan-Islamism is not the standard feature of Islamism.Instead,it has been a preference and choice of some Islamists.While the strength of Pan-Islamism comes from the religious beliefs and feelings of Muslims,its idea of “Islamic unity” or “Muslim unity” must not be confused with the principle of mutual help and love among Muslims stipulated by the religion of Islam.In short,Pan-Islamism is an instrument of its proponents to serve political goals.
This paper explores the possible directions of theory construction in National Security Studies.It incorporates the perspectives of complexity theory and systems theory and discusses how to realize multi-dimensional,multi-scale,and integrated interpretation and grasp of the totality of national security and the security field.It highlights the theoretical basis of understanding and implementing the concept of the Holistic Approach to National Security from the ontological,epistemological,and methodological angles.This paper argues that the foundation and conditions are ripe for the study of national security theory to evolve from the state of “spontaneous exploration” to “conscious exploration,”and from “fragmented” development to “systemic” development.Advancing the systemic theoretical exploration of the national security discipline also has the possibility of benchmarking,referencing,and learning from research based on cross-disciplinary approaches.Understanding national security from the perspective of complex adaptive systems can help achieve a dynamic balance between partial and overall security on the basis of fully recognizing the characteristics of different fields,refining the ways they are related,and avoiding the two extremes of the absence of necessary intervention and the pursuit of absolute security.Necessary intervention is a prerequisite for reducing the risk of disorder in the security environment in an open system,and is the basis for correcting the damage to the totality of national security caused by mechanicalism and reductionism. Emphasizing the balance between efficiency and adaptability and avoiding the absolutism of control and security is an approach for coordinating national security and strengthening overall resilience.
In the digital age,the ideological differences between China and the United States are more obvious,and the spillover effect of practicing values are more prominent.This is reflected especially in areas such as cyberspace sovereignty and cyberspace liberalization,online content management and online freedom of speech,data security management and free flow of data,public digital management and individual rights protection,and digital development rights and digital citizenship rights.This form of ideology competition also includes many other aspects,such as strengthening the construction and promotion of domestic systems,blaming the other party’s ideology and development models,taking measures to curb the other party’s technological development in the name of ideology,forming international technology alliances, and influencing the formulation of international rules.The competition of ideology between China and the United States not only has its ideological roots in human rights protection,but also has profound political and economic roots.The United States has a heightened sense of political security crisis—China’s rapidly rising digital competitiveness is threatening the U.S.’s international leadership.China’s use of digital technologies provides an alternative technology model,which make the U.S.continue to provoke competition in ideology.The ideological competition provides the United States with a“legitimate” basis for acquiring moral power, violating international rules,and taking measures to contain China.It has become an important part of the game of great powers and will have profound adverse effects in many areas.Such effects include but are not limited to the decline of global governance,technological protectionism,establishment of national blocs,increased possibility of decoupling between major powers,high geopolitical risks,and slow global economic recovery.
The development of Chinese International Relations（IR） theories has its unique logic and historical origins.Chinese IR scholars try to extract elements from traditional Chinese culture for theoretical innovation.China’s ethnic minorities are part of the Chinese nation and traditional Chinese culture includes the cultures of ethnic minorities.Therefore, the thought and practice of ethnic minorities can be regarded as a useful research object for Chinese IR scholars.Through learning and examining the worldviews,migration,gender roles,and customary law of Chinese ethnic minorities,we can combine and compare such local knowledge with the practice of international relations.To stimulate scholarly innovations and find new approaches to construct Chinese international relations theories, it is helpful to interpret international politics and China’s diplomacy from the perspective of ethnic minorities research.Subjects such as China’s ancient diplomatic history, cross-border field surveys, and ethnic minorities in global history are particularly relevant.
The party competition surrounding the management of COVID-19 in Tanzania before the 2020 presidential election was essentially a contest between political and expert authority.President Magufuli and the ruling party,Chama cha Mapinduzi（CCM）,employed rhetorical strategies to emphasize religious beliefs and alternative therapies over expert advice,and used executive power to systematically suppress expert authority.This resulted in the successful implementation of an epidemic prevention policy that prioritized economic performance and guaranteed the basic livelihood of the population during the epidemic.Consequently,a majority of voters supported Magufuli’s re-election.The death of President Magufuli in 2021 and the subsequent controversy surrounding the cause of his death weakened the direct persuasive effect of the party’s rhetoric.However,the indirect persuasive path based on governance performance was more influential,as the majority of the population continued to support the CCM regime and its epidemic management policy despite the rhetorical controversy.The concepts of authority competition and rhetorical capacity contribute to the understanding of public health governance and party politics processes in developing countries.
自我与他者视角下的中国国际角色既有共识也有差异.在自我视角下,中国国际角色为支持维护国际秩序、践行多边主义、积极贡献、负责任的发展中国家.在联合国、联合国粮农组织、世界卫生组织、联合国教科文组织和世界银行等联合国机构的他者视.角下,中国作为支持维护者的角色获得普遍认同,但关于贡献者、发展中国家、多边主义践行者以及负责任国家的角色评价相对于自我认知还存在程度和内涵上的差异.中国特色大国外交的全面推进日益强调要树立正确的角色观,在自我与他者互动中把握世界大势、发挥积极作用,为此,中国可在角色概念、内涵和支撑性行动等方面同联合国机构进一步磨合,提升国际角色塑造成效.
同盟是国际政治研究的核心问题之一.无论在和平时期还是战争时期,结盟与否、与谁结盟、如何处理与同盟所针对的对手的关系、如何处理与盟友的关系、同盟如何有效运转,以及盟友之间如何分担同盟负担,都属一国国家安全议程上最重要问题之列.
自20世纪90年代以来,非洲政治民主化已经取得丰硕的成果,主要表现为权力更替方式发生重大转变和民主质量得到显著提高.非洲民主巩固的条件也取得了重大进展,尤其是经济发展水平显著提升,政治竞争环境越来越公平,民主政治观念已深入人心.但是,非洲国家在民主化进程中仍然还存在腐败问题、族群政治、社会与安全问题和殖民遗产等制约因素,有效应对和解决这些制约因素有助于非洲未来民主政治的良性与可持续发展.评价非洲民主政治发展,不能脱离当前大多数非洲国家社会经济仍然欠发达的国情.民主政治发展不是一蹴而就,不能将民主道德化乃至神化甚至唯西式民主为尊.自主意识的增强为非洲国家构建具有非洲特色的民主政治制度奠定了良好的基础.
冷战时期美国国家安全的研究可以分为三个阶段,即第二次世界大战前后的创生、1950—1970年代初期的兴起与衰落,以及1970年代中后期到1989年冷战终结期间的复兴.在第一阶段,国家安全的概念、理论和议题从无到有,并获得初步发展;在第二阶段,国家安全研究在美国学术研究机构中迅速兴起,进入"黄金时代",核威慑理论、有限战争、军备控制等构成了该阶段国家安全研究的主要内容;在第三阶段,国家安全研究的议程变得更为丰富,研究的实证性、学术性和应用性有了较大提升.总的来看,经过半个世纪的发展,国家安全已经发展成为国际关系学科下一个相对独立的研究领域.美国国家安全研究的阶段性变化与国际环境的变迁和美国对外战略的调整相对应,体现了国家安全研究作为一门政策科学的基本属性.
英国的"东南亚区域合作"政策于第二次世界大战末提出并于战后初期实施,该政策是在东盟建立前提出时间最早、实践延续性最强的域外大国"区域合作"倡议.战后初期,为应对东南亚粮食危机,英国建立驻东南亚特别专员署,以有限的多边经济合作开启了英国的东南亚区域政策实践.英国驻东南亚最高专员合并特别专员署后,把应对东南亚共产主义作为主要目标,在这一过程中,英国的"东南亚区域合作"政策进入转向期和过渡期.此后,英国这一政策呈现出经济与政治—安全领域分离的特征."科伦坡计划"和东南亚防务组织分别是英国的东南亚区域经济合作与区域政治—安全合作的典型,前者由于被东南亚国家普遍接受而相对成功,后者则因与美国的区域安全地位竞争及印尼的抵制而失败.英国的"东南亚区域合作"政策并非现代意义上的区域合作,但在区域规范建构、组织经验积累等方面,该政策对东南亚内生区域合作及东盟的诞生产生了影响.
随着国家安全的概念被接受并逐渐得到普及,东南亚国家在这一轮全球化高峰过后,更加关注本国国家安全问题.由于国情存在较大差异,东南亚各国对安全形势的理解有很大不同,这导致东南亚各国对国家安全的认识呈现多样性,各国都形成了自己的国家安全理念.越南、印度尼西亚两国注重从内外两个方面来考虑国家安全,国家安全观相对全面;马来西亚、菲律宾、泰国等主要从维护内部稳定来考虑国家安全,国家安全观具有典型的内向性特征;新加坡、文莱则从注重从独特国情的角度来筹划其国家安全,新加坡强调生存,文莱注重宗教在国家安全中的重要作用.总体来看,东南亚主要国家对国家安全的认知包括内外兼顾型、以内部安全为主型和独特型三种类型.东南亚各国对国家安全的理解鲜明体现了发展中国家的特征,东南亚各国的国家安全思想有助于丰富国家安全内涵.
太平洋岛国独特的自然和社会环境塑造了太平洋岛国地区安全研究.在理论视角上,太平洋岛国地区安全研究以"人的安全"为统领性视角,安全化理论、后殖民主义和比较地区主义等多种理论视角相互补充、相互结合.在研究议题上,太平洋岛国地区安全研究注重研究本地区安全治理架构与叙事,广泛研究"人的安全"视角下的诸多非传统安全问题,其中,气候安全研究最为突出.在研究力量上,分散研究和资源整合是两大特点.在研究路径上,多学科、多范式、多方法并举,研究、政策与实践相互推动.在研究方法上,重视话语叙事分析与案例研究.由此,太平洋岛国地区安全研究构成了国外国家安全研究的独特组成部分.
