A Lei nº 13.104/2015 reconheceu o feminicídio como crime hediondo no Brasil, consolidando-o como objeto de estudo. Este trabalho apresenta uma revisão sistemática da literatura, examinando produções científicas publicadas entre 2013 e 2023 sobre feminicídio no país. Utilizando o método PRISMA, buscas nas bases SciELO, PubMed e BVS identificaram 424 artigos; após exclusões por critérios, duplicidades, indisponibilidade e leitura completa, 31 foram analisados. Os resultados mostram aumento de publicações em 2017, 2021 e 2022, refletindo a promulgação da lei e impactos da pandemia. Observou-se concentração de estudos no Sul e Sudeste, predominância de autoras e uso de métodos quantitativos, sobretudo na saúde. As pesquisas discutem o termo, perfis de vítimas e autores, além de tecnologias sociais. Persistem lacunas relevantes, especialmente sobre feminicídio de mulheres negras e regiões fora do eixo Sul-Sudeste, indicando a necessidade de políticas públicas mais eficazes e de pesquisas contínuas para enfrentar a violência.

Neste artigo, objetivamos refletir sobre a memória social e os desafios decoloniais do presente a partir da análise de um estudo sobre representações de personalidades históricas, realizado no Brasil e em Portugal. Conduzimos um inquérito no qual os participantes eram convidados a evocar livremente pessoas ou grupos que consideravam mais importantes na História nacional, e em que medida consideravam o seu impacto positivo ou negativo para o país. Participaram 260 pessoas, sendo 96 brasileiras (M=34,6; DP = 11,8), maioria homens (55,2%) e 164 portuguesas (M=19,92; DP = 2,66), maioria mulheres (78%). Dentre os resultados, observamos que entre as 10 personalidades mais evocadas em cada país não houve uma única mulher - androcentrismo. Observamos também uma focalização na política, com ênfase na agência individual em detrimento da agência coletiva - solipsismo. Efeito particularmente evidente nos dados recolhidos em Portugal, em que o destaque vai para reis, governantes, navegadores e escritores. Personalidades associadas aos “Descobrimentos” foram frequentes, mas quase não houve menção a personalidades relacionadas à descolonização. Nos dados do Brasil, por outro lado, “Indígenas” e “Afrodescendentes” estavam entre os mais evocados. Discutimos implicações dessas “lembranças” e “esquecimentos” na memória social e a descolonização do pensamento enquanto tarefa crucial e particularmente desafiante.

This multiple case study sought to comparatively analyze the relationships between creativity, innovation, and work characteristics (WC) in four junior enterprises (JEs) from different training areas at the same institution of higher education. Only members of each board of directors participated in this study. The instruments used were PIC--A (Creative Imagination Test for Adults), a measure of Junior Enterprise Innovation (INOVEj), and a measure of Work Characteristics. The focus group was used specifically for presentation and discussion of collective results with members of the board of directors. The results indicate the existence of differences between JEs in the indicators of creativity and innovation. It is concluded that the relations between creativity, innovation, and WC seem to depend on the characteristics of each JE, including length of existence of the enterprise, characteristics of the members of the board of directors, and the support of teacher-supervisors.

O feminicídio é um problema complexo que envolve sucessivas formas de violências nas relações afetivas, acarretando consequências significativas individuais e coletivas. Objetivou-se analisar os sistemas representacionais presentes nos repertórios discursivos em sentenças jurídicas acerca dos casos de feminicídio no estado da Bahia, nos anos de 2020 e 2021. Estudo documental de casos denunciados como feminicídio pelo Ministério Público em 2020/2021 na Bahia, disponíveis na Plataforma Jusbrasil. Foram encontrados 121 documentos, destes, 15 sentenças cumpriram os critérios de inclusão. Estas, foram analisadas mediante a abordagem da Análise de Redes Sociais. Os resultados revelaram diferenças expressivas nas decisões judiciais e em suas fundamentações. Ao comparar os posicionamentos entre juízes e juízas, foi perceptível identificar essas divergências relacionadas ao gênero. Assim, as sentenças foram principalmente ancoradas em justificativas sexistas, materializadas a partir das sentenças no sistema representacional. Dentre estas, motivações do crime como, ciúmes, sentimento de posse e separação.

Although different social crises may eventually favor undemocratic and authoritarian forms of governance, at some point, such antidemocratic practices require the support of a significant part of the population to be implemented. The present research investigates how and whether the COVID-19 pandemic might have favoured greater support for antidemocratic governmental practices, on the premise of regaining control and security. Using data from 17 countries (N = 4364) and national-level indicators (i.e., real number of contagions and deaths, and sociopolitical indicators), we test how the risk of contagion and death from COVID-19, along with personal orientations (i.e., social dominance orientation [SDO], right-wing authoritarianism [RWA], and perceived anomie) motivate authoritarian and antidemocratic practices. Results from multilevel models indicate that risk perception and perceptions of political instability predict a wish for stronger leadership, agreement with martial law, and support for a controlling government especially when SDO and RWA are high, while more egalitarian and less conservative people agree less with these authoritarian measures in spite of the levels of risk perception. We discuss the implications for these findings for future research on similar but also dissimilar external events (natural disasters, war, or terror incidents) and the consequences for societies with higher authoritarian tendencies.

A Truth Commission (TC) was carried out in Brazil (2012-2014) to investigate human rights violations perpetrated by state agents, especially during the military dictatorship (1964-1985). TCs are supposed to help societies on the reconstruction of social cohesion after authoritarian or violent periods. We conducted three studies with undergraduate students and adult samples between 2014 and 2017. Evaluating the TC as effective was related to higher punctuations on the variables of social cohesion, even controlling the effects of political positioning. The TC effectiveness perception was associated with the emotional reaction (both, negative or positive) and a positive attitude towards remembering the past. Nonetheless, we found some different results across the three studies. These differences are discussed.

Abstract This study analyzed the structure of social representations of an authoritarian regime in Brazil (Military Regime, 1964-1985), the variables associated with reporting different emotions about that past, and support for authoritarian solutions in the present. A sample of 200 participants aged 18 to 85 years (M = 31.54; SD = 13.84) responded to a free word association task in which they indicated three words that came to mind about the Military Regime. A prototypical analysis showed a critical representation as the majority. However, positive representations and a mute zone effect (silence of controversial opinions) were found. Participants also answered several questions about the regime, the emotions they feel, and the support for its restoration. Regression analyses showed different variables predicting positive and negative emotions, and positive representations strongly predicting support for a current authoritarian solution.

Social distance is one of the indicators of intergroup relations. It expresses the degree of intimacy, proximity or distance in relation to the members of specific social groups, making the concept an indirect form of referring to prejudice. The present study described in this article aims to evaluate the protocol for the use of an indirect measure of social distance, implemented by computers and specialized devices. We sought to assess the potential of the technique of virtual reality as a criterion for estimating social distance by comparing the results obtained in the virtual environment with the correlated measures obtained in a computer screen. This is an experimental study, developed to evaluate the pleasantness of four photographs and the registry of two classes of indirect measures. Social distance was chosen to evaluate the photographs and the response time was used to choose the estimate, in two modalities of data collection, one in a screen environment and the other in the virtual environment, in Brazil and Mozambique. A total of 150 university students participated in the study, 87 from Brazil and 61 from Mozambique. In the study, we show that the estimate for social distance is more associated with the response time than the attractiveness of the image, regardless of the country. When we introduce in the predictive models the variables sex and skin color of the individuals portrayed in the photographs, we note that the models obtained in the virtual environment present better indicators than those obtained in the screen, except for the predictive model for the evaluation of the distance of the Black woman portrait. The response time proved to be much more central in the model than the attractiveness of the image. In the screen environment, the increase in the image size was connected to the greater amount of time spent in decision-making while in the virtual environment the distancing from the image was connected to a greater amount of time spent making a decision. The country of origin had little influence over the final models. In conclusion, we may highlight that the effects of social distance, the response time and the attractiveness of the image were greater in the virtual environment, which inspires us to highlight the importance of using more sophisticated data collection procedures through the use of information technology.

La actual pandemia de la COVID-19 ha supuesto un marcado incremento de las brechas sociales preexistentes. En esta investigación analizamos las relaciones de diferentes facetas de clase social con el bienestar y afectividad general a lo largo de un total de 8 países de la región cultural iberoamericana. Asimismo, también pusimos a prueba el potencial rol mediador del riesgo percibido relativo a la COVID-19 y la eficacia colectiva percibida. Los resultados obtenidos (a) revelaron que una clase social más baja se relacionó con un menor bienestar y afecto positivo, y un mayor afecto negativo; (b) confirmaron que la clase social subjetiva constituye un mejor predictor del bienestar y afectividad general que la clase social objetiva (i.e., nivel educativo); y (c) mostraron que los efectos de la clase social subjetiva en el bienestar/afectividad general se daban de forma indirecta a través del riesgo percibido y la eficacia colectiva. Estos hallazgos confirman la existencia de diferencias en bienestar y afectividad general en función de la clase social durante la pandemia, al tiempo que permiten avanzar en la comprensión de los mecanismos psicosociales subyacentes.

Despite the numerous efforts to reduce prejudice and social discrimination as well as their repercussions, such phenomena are still part of everyday life and mark individual life stories. The experiences of the target and the agent of discrimination were differents. The present study addresses a gap in the literature of social psychology: through a relational analysis, it explores the perceptions of the target of discrimination without leaving aside the perspective of the agent. Using a computerized version of a self-report instrument, we aimed to assess the relation between the experience of racial discrimination and skin color and to what extent this relation is modulated by psychosocial and sociodemographic variables in two national contexts, Brazil and Mozambique. A total of 150 university students participated in the study, 89 from Brazil and 61 from Mozambique. The results show that in both countries the participants report more experiences of discrimination coming from White than from Black people, with a larger difference for the Brazilian sample population. The study also verified that the darker the person’s skin color, the higher their perception of having been discriminated against. In the Brazilian group, the accounts of discrimination coming both from White and Black people are associated with darker skin color. In the Mozambican group, diversely, participants with lighter and darker skin color perceived being the target of discrimination, inflicted both by White and Black people. Finally, we identified that perceived discrimination is predicted by skin color. The discussion focuses on the perspective of the targets of discrimination and highlights the role of skin color in the process of perceiving racial discrimination, especially regarding the psychosocial variables motivation to control prejudice and social domination.

In this article, we test if international football matches in Latin America can be understood as nationalistic collective rituals and if participating in them leads to prejudicial attitudes toward immigrants and to legitimize the national social systems. Based on social identity theory and literature on collective rituals, we propose that participating in collective rituals makes cognitively salient social identity over self-identity through collective emotions. Therefore, individuals are more motivated to perceive the social systems as fair and legitimate and to show outgroup derogation. In Study 1 (N = 414), interest in football was associated with national identification a week before an international tournament in Brazil, Chile, and Spain. This association was mediated by fusion of identity with the national ingroup but not by experiencing collective positive emotions. In Study 2 (N = 118), we used an experimental design and showed that nationalism moderated the effect of participating in nationalistic collective rituals on measures related to behavioral intentions. Specifically, these rituals decreased outgroup prejudice among high nationalistic participants. Collective rituals are discussed as a form of collective self-affirmation that may have reduced defensiveness and led nationalistic individuals to behave according to the predominant values within a society.

presente capítulo discute a relação entre processos de construção social do campo das drogas e a emergência de estereótipos e representações sobre usuários e traficantes.Para tanto, o capítulo ilustra a discussão com a apresentação dos

This study analyzes the range and content of Social Representations (SRs) about the COVID-19 pandemic in 21 geographical zones from 17 countries in the Americas, Europe and Asia (N = 4430). Based on Social Representations Theory, as well as the psychosocial consequences of pandemics and crises, we evaluate the perceptions of severity and risks, the agreement with different SRs, and participants' Social Dominance Orientation (SDO) and Right-Wing Authoritarianism (RWA). Different sets of beliefs are discussed as SRs, together with their prevalence and association with contextual variables. Results show that severity and risk perceptions were associated with different SRs of the pandemic. Specifically, those focused on Emerging Externalizing zoonotic and ecological factors (the virus is due to Chinese unhygienic habits and the overexploitation of the planet), Polemic Conspiracies (the virus is a weapon), views of Elite and Mass Villains (the elites deceive us and profit with the pandemic), and Personal Responsibility (the neglectful deserves contagion) during the pandemic. Furthermore, most of the SRs are anchored in SDO and, more strongly, in RWA orientations. Additional meta-analyses and multi-level regressions show that the effects are replicated in most geographical areas and that risk perception was a consistent explanatory variable, even after controlling for demographics and `real risk' (i.e., actual numbers of contagion and death). Results suggest that, while coping with and making sense of the pandemic, authoritarian subjects agree with SR that feed a sense of social control and legitimize outgroup derogation, and support punishment of ingroup low-status deviants.

The main objective of this article is to explore the validity of the Factors of Creativity and Organizational Innovation (FINO) Measure in a Brazilian sample and ascertain the predictive power of individual, group, and organizational factors in relation to the perceived innovation in the organization. Evidence of the validity of this measure was previously found with workers in the Basque Country and in Latin-American countries. A total of 265 workers from various organizations participated in this survey study. Confirmatory factor analysis (CFA) and linear regression analysis with observable variables were performed by means of structural equation modeling. The CFA results indicate that the model with the best fit has eight correlated factors. The regression analysis suggests that the factors Work Characteristics, Leadership, and Personal Traits for Creativity and Innovation predict the perception of innovation in the organization.

Desde 2013 temos presenciado inumeras manifestacoes politicas que, a partir de diferentes pautas, reivindicam mudancas sociais. Ao mesmo tempo, temos visto que as acoes policiais que visam reprimi-las tem usado estrategias de violencia de modo frequente. Por outro lado, as policias brasileiras sao conhecidas por sua truculencia e violencia seletiva, sendo a juventude negra e pobre seu alvo mais frequente. Tendo essas ideias em tela, este trabalho objetiva analisar em que medida jovem universitaria apoiam o uso da violencia policial na repressao de manifestacoes politicas. Tambem se investiga em que medida esse apoio e influenciado pela cor da vitima dessa violencia e pela cidade de origem do participante. Os participantes foram 672 estudantes universitarios de ciencias humanas e exatas, de tres universidades brasileiras das regioes Sul e Nordeste. Em conjunto, os resultados mostram a ampla rejeicao ao uso da forca policial contra os participantes de uma manifestacao politica. Esses resultados sao discutidos ampliando a nocao de violencia institucional, seus significados, fatores geradores e formas de enfrentamento.

8 March (8M), now known as International Women’s Day, is a day for feminist claims where demonstrations are organized in over 150 countries, with the participation of millions of women all around the world. These demonstrations can be viewed as collective rituals and thus focus attention on the processes that facilitate different psychosocial effects. This work aims to explore the mechanisms (i.e., behavioral and attentional synchrony, perceived emotional synchrony, and positive and transcendent emotions) involved in participation in the demonstrations of 8 March 2020, collective and ritualized feminist actions, and their correlates associated with personal well-being (i.e., affective well-being and beliefs of personal growth) and collective well-being (i.e., social integration variables: situated identity, solidarity and fusion), collective efficacy and collective growth, and behavioral intention to support the fight for women’s rights. To this end, a cross-cultural study was conducted with the participation of 2,854 people (age 18–79; M = 30.55; SD = 11.66) from countries in Latin America (Mexico, Chile, Argentina, Brazil, Peru, Colombia, and Ecuador) and Europe (Spain and Portugal), with a retrospective correlational cross-sectional design and a convenience sample. Participants were divided between demonstration participants ( n = 1,271; 94.0% female) and non-demonstrators or followers who monitored participants through the media and social networks ( n = 1,583; 75.87% female). Compared with non-demonstrators and with males, female and non-binary gender respondents had greater scores in mechanisms and criterion variables. Further random-effects model meta-analyses revealed that the perceived emotional synchrony was consistently associated with more proximal mechanisms, as well as with criterion variables. Finally, sequential moderation analyses showed that proposed mechanisms successfully mediated the effects of participation on every criterion variable. These results indicate that participation in 8M marches and demonstrations can be analyzed through the literature on collective rituals. As such, collective participation implies positive outcomes both individually and collectively, which are further reinforced through key psychological mechanisms, in line with a Durkheimian approach to collective rituals.

Objetivo. Analizar el posicionamiento de estudiantes y no estudiantes frente a las cuotas raciales en las universidades públicas brasileñas, así como las justificaciones para ese posicionamiento. Además, investigar los niveles de prejuicio existentes entre los participantes y la relación entre su color de piel y sus posicionamientos frente a esas cuotas. Participantes. 83 estudiantes y 63 no estudiantes. Los resultados demostraron que los no estudiantes se perciben más prejuiciosos y un 74% de los participantes son favorables a las cuotas, siendo los autodeclarados negros los que indicaron mayor concordancia. El análisis léxico demostró que los estudiantes anclan sus posicionamientos en principios meritocráticos, mientras que los no universitarios anclan en principios igualitarios, reflejando la forma en cómo estos grupos construyen simbólicamente el significado de las cuotas raciales a partir de sus pertenencias sociales.