Italian Renaissance Humanism expressed a strong influence from classical texts, both Roman and Greek. However, the intricacies of this appropriation of classical thought did not occur in a uniform or systematic way; the Christian-medieval tradition, especially that of the Augustinian school, provided diverse perspectives for interpretation, but also doctrinal obstacles. It is necessary to define the terms that, based on these influences, became central to the original constructions of important political thinkers in order to understand the problem of the republic during this period. We will highlight the figures of Coluccio Salutati and Niccolò Machiavelli, both central thinkers in the process of building a republican tradition in modernity. We will demonstrate how Salutati expresses Augustinian and Ciceronian influences in his main works; as a counterpoint, we will present in Machiavelli's thought an explicit opposition to the theoretical influence of these same authors. To qualify our presentation with greater specificity, we will take as central points the constitution of laws and the formation of the people from the legislative aspect.

Augustine is considered one of the great promulgators of the Christian tradition in the early Middle Ages; his works became one of the foundations for medieval Christian thought, influencing philosophers and theologians. Our objective in this article is to argue, and demonstrate, that Augustine, in view of his important work, established the bases of a formal ethical-political paradigm, having as pillars: I-his conception of will; II-his political theory of the 'two cities'; finally, III-the break with the classical model between individual and political body.This ethical-political paradigm highlights the formalism of the autonomy of the will to the detriment of material contingencies. In the political field, this perspective shifts the focus from the concrete needs inherent in political relations, establishing a predominance of the ethical over the political, of the formal over the material. In our itinerary, we will first present the foundations of the will in Augustinian thought, then his political theory based on the conception of'two cities', and finally, we will present how this Augustinian paradigm, predominantly formal, displaces the individual from political materiality to ethical formalism, breaking with the foundations of the classical tradition.

The theme of anthropology, in Machiavellian work, is the source of various discussions and contradictions. In this article, we will dedicate ourselves the task of arguing that there is, in Machiavellian thought, an 'empty anthropological conception', which is not constituted as 'systematic anthropology', but acts as a guideline for a realistic political discussion in view of government needs. Our first step is to briefly point out a classical and medieval tradition, this last Christian, which establish a fixed and universal anthropological paradigm. Then we will turn to Machiavellian thought, seeking to demonstrate that: I – there is no fixed anthropological content; II – there is a distinction in the discussion about an alleged human nature and a political sphere; III – there is a 'politicization' of the concepts of 'evil' and 'good', surpassing the theological 'evil'; Finally, IV – there is an original political formulation of feelings of passion, desire and ambition. The originality of Machiavellian thought is exactly in the promulgation of an 'empty anthropological conception' without fixed content, which can be used as an application to political discussion in view of the needs imposed on the political body and forms of government.

In this article we will seek to discuss the ways in which the Roman people forged their origins, establishing the foundations of their republican tradition from a pagan influence from peoples of antiquity, centrally Etruscans and Greeks; as well as the way Machiavelli resumed this tradition in his writings. Our itinerary will constitute a first demonstration of the influences received by the Roman people of great civilizations that preceded them, both in power and splendor and culture, namely Etruscans and Greeks. These influences can be detected in political, moral, religious, military and architectural aspects. The second step will be to present the foundations of the republican tradition of classical Rome, mainly through its political and moral foundations, putting the traits that gave it their identity, as well as the possible unfolding of the influences received. Finally, we will point out how the pagan aspects, inherited by the Romans of the people who preceded them, were assimilated by Machiavelli in their resumption of a republicanism with pre-Christian bases.

Neste breve artigo buscaremos sustentar a tese de que há no pensamento de Coluccio Salutati, chanceler florentino do século XIV e proeminente humanista, um claro republicanismo que se volta para a questão da liberdade da república e a vida ativa dos indivíduos dela participantes. Todavia, em correlato a esta demonstração, sustentaremos ainda que tal republicanismo apresenta fortes traços de influência agostiniana, principalmente em vista da disposição das leis no arranjo político, bem como a relação entre a vida ativa e a busca de um bem próprio do ser humano

The purpose of this succinct work is to present N. Machiavelli's classic republican view from his proposition of an inevitable paradox, the founding of an expansionist republic, difficult to govern, or the founding of a stable, but small and weak republic. Such a paradox, according to Machiavelli, should direct and condition all the constitutive devices of the republic when choosing what will be its destiny as a political body. The model of republic preferred by the Florentine will be the expansionist model of Rome, leading him to assume all the devices that gave this republic its power. From this presentation of the Machiavellian proposition, we will analyse the assimilation of republican thought in England from the Elizabethan period, as well as the political-social scenario that exists there. This itinerary will allow us to understand, in general, why classical republicanism was received on English soil from the perspective of establishing a mixed, stable government, thus favouring the spread of the Venice myth as a serene republic and delaying the use, even that mitigated, of the republican presuppositions expressed in the Machiavellian work that directed towards a Roman model.

In this article we will seek to demonstrate how the themes of natural law, freedom and private property, central to classical liberal thought, can be analyzed in a fictitious context in which a socially marginalized individual, but possessing financial assets, is restricted and limited in terms of their freedom in the face of socially accepted individuals and representatives of collective values and customs. This context will be provided by Shakespeare's splendid work, 'The Merchant of Venice', through his most emblematic character, the Jew Shylock. We will analyse Shylock's case and how it can be taken as the prototype of a case that illustrates the points that underlie modern liberalism. We hope to be able to construct an analysis that is philosophical, but, at the same time, allows an exercise in literary interpretation.

In this succinct article we will focus on structuring questions about the methodology of teaching philosophy in Brazil, its political, didactic and social characteristics. For this purpose, it will be necessary to first demonstrate what were the main dominant ideological influences in the political-social context in which the teaching of philosophy was developed, or restricted, in the country in most of the 20th century. This movement should be directed mainly to moments of greater political and social tension, authoritarian regimes and moments of hegemony in a traditional view of society, but also to contemplate the discussion about how such a scenario was propitiated by certain hegemonic currents of thought. The consequences of these first positions will allow us to understand how there was a situation of extreme conceptualization of philosophy teaching in the country, which leads to the risk of falling, even today, in a purely scientific methodology, without attachment to the country's social reality. From this point on, it is still necessary to understand how to overcome the criticism present in an academic methodology, which is based more on content than on the direct social relations experienced by students and teachers themselves. This discussion should indelibly include the pedagogical role of a Common National Curricular Base for the discipline and its foundations. In view of this situation, we believe that it is still possible to propose the expansion of themes that can, and should, be addressed in the teaching of philosophy, as well as the theoretical and practical form that should support this approach.

Neste sucinto artigo nos centraremos em questoes estruturantes acerca da metodologia do ensino de filosofia no Brasil, suas caracteristicas politica, didatica e social. Para esta finalidade, sera necessario primeiro demonstrarmos quais foram as principais influencias ideologicas dominantes no contexto politico-social no qual se desenvolveu, ou se restringiu, o ensino de filosofia no pais na maior parte do seculo XX. Este movimento devera ser direcionado principalmente para os momentos de maior tensao politica e social, os regimes autoritarios e os momentos de hegemonia de uma visao tradicional de sociedade, mas tambem para contemplar a discussao sobre como tal cenario foi propiciado por determinadas correntes de pensamento hegemonicas. Os desdobramentos destas primeiras colocacoes, nos permitirao compreender como se deu um quadro de extrema conceitualizacao do ensino de filosofia no pais, o que leva ao risco de se cair, ainda hoje, em uma metodologia puramente cientificista, sem apego a realidade social do pais. A partir deste ponto, e preciso ainda compreender como vencer o acriticismo presente em uma metodologia academicista, que se pauta mais no conteudismo que nas relacoes sociais diretas vivenciadas pelos alunos e os proprios docentes. Esta discussao devera incluir, indelevelmente, o papel pedagogico de uma Base Nacional Comum Curricular da disciplina e seus fundamentos. Diante deste quadro, acreditamos ser possivel ainda, propor a ampliacao de temas que podem, e devem, ser abordados no ensino de filosofia, bem como a forma teorica e pratica que deve fundamentar esta abordagem.

In this brief article we will seek to support the thesis that there is in the thought of Coluccio Salutati, 14th century Florentine chancellor and prominent humanist, a clear republicanism that turns to the issue of the freedom of the republic and the active life of the individuals participating in it. However, in connection with this demonstration, we will also maintain that such republicanism has strong traces of Augustinian influence, mainly in view of the disposition of laws in the political arrangement, as well as the relationship between active life and the search for a human being’s own good. In view of this, we intend to demonstrate that, in general, Salutati’s Renaissance republicanism turns to the defence of the republic, its freedom and its characteristic of the proper scenario for the active life of individuals, however, it still maintains an ethical-political perspective typical of the medieval period, centrally influenced by Augustinian thought.

Neste breve artigo, argumentaremos que a pandemia da Covid-19, como outras na história humana, colocou em desnudo as bases da estrutura político-econômica moderna. Defenderemos que tais bases apoiam-se em dois esteios, uma noção política de ‘Estado’, ápice da organização humana, e uma concepção racionalista, técnica e produtiva, que promulga a possibilidade de resposta a qualquer crise surgida na sociedade. Como contrapondo a esta estrutura, apresentaremos a teoria maquiaveliana, que aponta para uma relação indelével entre política e fator natural, natureza e sociedade. Nesta teoria, com uma concepção antropológica própria, as necessidades impostas pela natureza frente a ação humana são determinantes para se pensar a própria construção política. Como resultado, consideraremos ser necessário repensar a estrutura político-econômica moderna em seus pretensos mitos de incontestável avanço político, por meio do ‘Estado’, e inabalável base racional, principalmente técnico-produtiva, retomando o lugar de importância do fator natural para constituição de uma sociedade mais ‘humana’.

Our objective in this brief article is guided by the demonstration of the existence of a theory of political action in Machiavelli's republican thought, with such a theory having its own character that directs it to highlight the action of individuals in the social context. In addition to this objective, we hope to support the thesis that such a theory of political action has a republican scope, not just “republicanist”, in keeping with the Machiavellian preference for institutions that impress on individuals a civic sense based above all on the materiality of political action in the body social. From this assertion, we indicate that our itinerary will be guided by the demonstration of the search for the valorization of political action in Machiavelli's theory, the materiality of such action, to the detriment of its pure intention, the central focus of Florentine's work. This disposition of the centrality of political action in Machiavelli republicanism will underscore its appreciation for outlining the political functions of the search for recognition, glory and especially the benefit of the political body as a whole.

The aims that animates this research is to demonstrate how the theoretical construction of the aspects of the foundations of the will, perceived in a final configuration in Kantian thought, requires by way of searching for an autonomous instance of desire, disengaged of the heteronomy of the contingent, which appears first in the Christian Middle Ages construction, establishing the predominance of the formal aspect of the action over its material aspect in the ethical-political field in the West. The theoretical basis of our hypothesis is guided by the relationship between the formal (intentionality – want) and concrete (materiality – act) of political action. Such a configuration will be demonstrated from the construction of a theory of the will, which has arisen within the medieval Christianity, expanded and refined by several western authors, and your more formatting done in modern thought, in which the rational construction of formalism is your complete maturation in Kantian construct.

We intend, in this article, to deal with the issue of imitation in Machiavellian thought. We will take as a goal his postulations about the nature of man, the possibilities of formatting a profitable republic in view of this nature, and the role of the examples of individuals who act for the good of the republic. Since the issue of imitation is the guiding thread, we will still choose a tripod to demonstrate our hypothesis, namely, the anthropological factor; The educational factor; The political factor. By this movement, it is tried to demonstrate that the apparent negativity of the Machiavellian postulations on the human nature does not prevent the promulgation of a stable republic, the good political examples having a preponderant role in this purpose.

Nosso artigo aborda a intrínseca relação entre ética e política no pensamento maquiaveliano, articulando-o a uma contraposição à tradição ético-político presente na teoria política agostiniana, e como superação desta, na forma como ainda se via presente no humanismo cívico italiano. A hipótese teórica de nossa abordagem guia-se pela relação entre o formal (intencionalidade - querer) e o concreto (materialidade - agir) da ação política. Tal relação entre o formal e o concreto da ação política será analisada, a partir de três eixos: o antropológico (do fim homem), o epistemológico (do fim da lei) e o político (do fim da ação). Partindo desta análise da ação política pretendemos demonstrar que o pensamento maquiaveliano pode ser tomado como inaugurador de uma concepção moderna (e realista) do agir político por superar, em termos viscerais, a predominância formal presente na construção ético-político agostiniana - dominante no medievo e ainda percebida no humanismo cívico italiano - assentando novas bases para a materialidade da ação no contexto político.

Tencionamos, neste artigo, tratar da questão da imitação no pensamento maquiaveliano. Tomaremos como balizas suas postulações acerca da natureza do homem, as possibilidades de formatação de uma república profícua em vista desta natureza e o papel dos exemplos dos indivíduos que agem em prol do bem da república. Sendo a questão da imitação o fio condutor, elegeremos ainda um tripé para demonstrar nossa hipótese, a saber, o fator antropológico; o fator educacional; o fator político. Por este movimento, pretende-se demonstrar que a aparente negatividade das postulações maquiavelianas sobre a natureza humana não inviabilizam a promulgação de uma república estável, tendo os bons exemplos políticos um papel preponderante neste propósito.

In this article we intend undertake a reading of ancient judaism, or veterotestamentary, in some of its main aspects, in contrast to the Machiavellian view of the role of religion in the organization and expansion of the State. The first step of this enterprise will be given by exposing the founding and delineanting features of the ancient Jewish tradition, especially in the books that make up the so-called Old Testament, demonstranting the using of religion in the ordination and expansion of the State, as well as in the formation of the individual. In a second moment we will demonstrate how to create a new Jewish tradition, influenced and influential on the ancient Greek world, early in the Christian era which will be assimilated and explored in its mystical bias in Renaissance humanism. This Hellenistic Judaism tradition will be best known and assimilated in the European erudite circles of the Renaissance. Finally, we will try to demonstrate how the constitutive features of ancient Judaism, to the detriment of Hellenistic Judaism, can be read in the light of Machiavellian description of the role of religion in the organization and expansion of the State and the formation of the individual.

Neste artigo intentamos empreender uma leitura do judaísmo antigo, ou veterotestamentário, em alguns de seus aspectos principais, à contraluz da visão maquiaveliana do papel da religião na organização e expansão do Estado. O primeiro passo desta empresa será dado ao expormos os traços fundantes e delineadores da tradição judaica antiga, principalmente nos livros que compõe o chamado velho testamento, demonstrando o uso da religião na ordenação e expansão do Estado, bem como na formação do indivíduo. Em um segundo momento demonstraremos como se cria uma nova tradição judaica, influenciada e influenciadora do mundo grego antigo, logo no início da era cristã a qual será assimilada e explorada em seu viés místico no humanismo renascentista. Esta tradição judaico helenístico será a mais conhecida e assimilada nos círculos eruditos europeus da renascença. Por fim, buscaremos demonstrar como os traços constitutivos do judaísmo antigo, em detrimento ao judaísmo helenístico, podem ser lidos à luz da descrição maquiaveliana do papel da religião na organização e expansão do Estado e na formação do indivíduo.

O móbil teórico que anima este artigo está tangencialmente tocado por dois conceitos centrais da filosofia moral, a saber, a autonomia e a neutralidade na postulação dos princípios de justiça e liberdade. Tal é a condição do conceito de “posição original” estabelecido por John Rawls e posto como um dos bastiões que sustém sua construção teórica. Nosso fito é demonstrar que tal conceito herda, em seu âmago, uma construção kantiana, formal, que postula uma pretensa liberdade autonomamente racional dos indivíduos. Esta liberdade autônoma, travestida na “posição original”, será transmutada em uma ideia política de justiça como equidade, dando bases ao escopo rawlsiano. Desta forma, nossa investida teórica carrega em si uma crítica filosófica acerca do conceito de “posição original” como vergôntea serôdia da cepa kantiana em solo contemporâneo.

Neste artigo pretende-se uma análise sucinta de aproximação e relação entre as obras aristotélicas dedicadas ao assunto da ética. A hipótese de trabalho baseia-se em demonstrar os pontos que deram à obra Ethica Nicomachea uma aparente predileção no estudo da ética do estagirita durante toda a tradição filosófica ocidental. A análise crítica empreendida para expor tal hipótese guia-se pelo crivo da proposição dos aspectos que dão prevalência teórica, cronológica e de reconhecimento da citada obra sobre as demais tomadas em tela. Sendo assim, temos como objetivo demonstrar a validade desta pretensa predileção da tradição filosófica ocidental pela Ethica Nicomachea no estudo do pensamento ético de Aristóteles.