El Concordato de 1753 puso a disposición de la monarquía la práctica totalidad de los beneficios eclesiásticos españoles, concluyendo un proceso iniciado en 1523. Este patronato universal creó un ambiente propicio para implementar reformas en el sistema beneficial, que había sido objeto de numerosas críticas durante años. Siguiendo los principios del regalismo borbónico, la Circular del 5 de julio de 1758, emitida por la Cámara de Castilla, instó a los prelados a identificar los beneficios incongruos y elaborar planes de reforma. Los obispos de Salamanca respondieron rápidamente, elaborando diversas propuestas para abordar las dificultades de una estructura antigua, anquilosada y muy heterogénea.
En la primera mitad del seiscientos, en la España barroca se formó un pequeño círculo de librepensadores. Aquellos hombres, en unas circunstancias sociorreligiosas específicas y sobre la base del discurso dominante, desarrollaron un ideario que puede identificarse como una variante radical del deísmo europeo. En este artículo, presentamos la red de los librepensadores y analizamos el vivero de la irreligión, identificamos las fuentes del deísmo hispano y desenterramos la estructura de la religión filosófica, y finalizamos enfocando una importante consecuencia del ideario. Con nuestra reconstrucción, sobre todo podemos mostrar que el deísmo en la España barroca fue un fenómeno autónomo con profundas raíces en su entorno cultural.
The Talleres de Arte founded by the priest F & eacute;lix Granda in 1913 have been one of the references of liturgical and religious art in Spain for more than a century. However, the history of this company has been studied in depth only until the death of its founder in 1954, lacking a documented approximation to its development in the following years. The period immediately following the disappearance of F & eacute;lix Granda is particularly interesting because it signifies the arrival in Talleres de Arte of a group of young people mostly linked to Opus Dei, which generated a moment of particular technical and plastic brilliance coinciding with a renaissance of design in our country. The application of the liturgical reform of the Second Vatican Council paradoxically led, among other reasons, to a correction in the criteria of Talleres de Arte that put an end to that flash of modernity applied to quality sacred art.
In 1602 Bernardo de Brito described a virtual pilgrimage to the holy places of Jerusalem by a lay sister of Santa Maria de Lorv & atilde;o. This article explores the material and textual evidence of the existence and development of such practices at an earlier date, mainly at the time of the abbess Catarina d'E & ccedil;a (1471-1521). Influenced by the Devotio Moderna, but also by a clear intention to restore and update the monastic memory of Lorv & atilde;o through the liturgy, Catarina d'Ega would have transformed the monastery into the Jerusalem of the Passion of Christ. The abbess used images, relics, reliquaries, liturgical books and other ornamenta sacra to articulate the celebrations commemorating the Passion, but also for the creation and affirmation of her liturgical auctoritas. It also examines how such practices transcended religious orders, the limits of enclosure, and geographical and temporal boundaries.
In the relations between different Catholic associations in Spain in the 1940s, a conflict arose between the Society of Jesus and Opus Dei. This article analyses the events surrounding this issue in the context of Madrid in 1939 and 1940, the coordinates in which the confrontation originated. Forthe first time in the treatment of this issue, the perspective ofthe Jesuits involved is provided, based on the analysis of documents in the Historical Archive of the Spanish Province of the Society of Jesus (AESI-A).
The present article delves into the creation of a school located in the city of Alcaraz towards the end of the 16th century, amid the course of the Counter-Reformation. After a brief review on its promoter -the presbyter Juan de Coca- it becomes apparent that the institution was founded under the model followed by Juan de & Aacute;vila, proving the reforming and educational influence of the "Apostle of Andalusia" in the society at that time.
This article analyses the subject of the curse and its sources (theological treatises, moral reform literature, and judicial processes) in the sociocultural context of Modern Catalonia. A problem inscribed in the dialectical relationship between theological doctrine and liturgical practices of the institutional Church inherited from the ancient medieval tradition, confronted with the cursing speech profusely used by common people in the everyday life. The counter-reformist clergy will not fully control this transgressive language deeply rooted in the behavior of the popular classes.
The topic of Religiosity in Bogot & aacute; during the first decades of the second half of the 19th century is not well-researched. In this work, we explore how feminine religiosity is formed through speeches, practises, and reactions according to gender, age, social class, and marital status characteristics. It also identifies the need for women to be kept in balance, without excesses or alterations in their religious beliefs and practises, taking into account, the gender perspective and the concept of religiosity when analysing sources, which allows to evidence that women showed their religiosity in ways that are distinct from men, exercised in the private space as public and marked by the political atmosphere of the moment, where women, adhered to religious precepts, while also they protected the interests of the Catholic Church and themselves.
The Early Medieval ecclesiastic centres are characterized by their versatility. Even if their social and material side is well known, other matters require a more thorough analysis. This contribution, investigates the motivation that led to investments of personal or familiar wealth in these institutions, the role they played in the incursion of the central authority in local fields and the relevance of local agency in these processes. This study will demonstrate that these investments were meant to increase their promotors' social position and that they represented, therefore, a practice more in line with individual ambitions than with the establishment of central structures of domination.
In this paper I evidence the dependence of the methodological model applied by the Catalan Jesuit Pere Gil in the review of hagiographic matter, with respect to the method proposed by the Hieronymite Ambrosio de Morales, a dependence that had not been previously noted. As will be demonstrated from the textual confrontation, the seven principles declared by Gil at the beginning of his unfinished notes on Vides dels sants de Catalunya (ca. 1600), about how to affirm a methodology on which to base the writing of hagiography, follow faithfully the principles declared by Morales in the Cor & oacute;nica General de Espa & ntilde;a (1574) with the same purpose, in order to donate authority and legitimacy to the lives of the saints included in the work.
The programmatic discourse of friar Alfonso de Mella, the refutation of the same by an anonymous author and the background of his fellow observants in the sect of friar Felipe de Berbegal show a harmony with the joaquinist theses defended by the spiritual Franciscans and condemned by Pope John XXII. However, other sources, mainly indirect, accused the heretics of Durango of defending an egalitarian and antinomist millenarianism (living outside of moral norms). The most logical explanation would refer to a strategy typical of the anti-heretical culture that would accuse the movement of perverse actions in order to vilify it and justify repressive action. But an alternative hypothesis could also be put forward: while the leaders of the sect defended the arrival of the Age of the Holy Spirit and the defeat of the carnal Church, certain sectors of the rank and file would make a distorted interpretation of this message in an egalitarian and antinomist key as a consequence of their special socio-economic and cultural situation. Therefore, this study aims to analyze how the anti-heretical discourse launched against Mella's followers was constructed and, subsidiarily, to propose under what circumstances the alternative hypothesis would be viable.
The aim of this article is to analyse the report on the visit to the province of Gran Nayar, written by the priest Joseph Antonio Bugarin between 1768 and 1769, which offers a broad view of the material and spiritual state of the old Nayarit missions, administered by Jesuit and Franciscan missionaries in different periods, based on a series of testimonies given by the Indians, the military personnel settled in presidios, the missionaries and other individuals with knowledge of the region. The main objective is to review the discourse contained in the report, focusing on the issue of the survival of idolatry in local societies. In orderto deepen this analysis, otherfactors that explain the complexity of the pastoral enterprise are taken into account, such as the conflicts between the military and missionary authorities, a situation that explains the character given to the transgressions of the faith that were kept by the reduced groups in the middle of the 18th century.
The books dated to between the end of the XIIth century and 1265 to be found in the Monastery of Santa Maria la Real of Las Huelgas (Burgos) constitute a motley collection of heterogeneous manuscripts. However, were any of these texts actually written in this Cistercian Abbey? The exhaustive on-going study of these manuscripts, and the analysis of the diplomas belonging to the monastic collection, make it possible for us to pose the question whether Manuscript 13, containing part of St. Augustine's Enarrationes in Psalmos, was produced in the Burgos monastery, or somewhere nearby, because in 1234 its main maker, Martin, refers to himself as being the "escruiuano del monesterio".
In this article we analyse the medieval interpretation of Job 42:5-6 as a particular case study from which to look at the medieval Christian understanding of the drama of human suffering. These verses ("I had heard of thee by the hearing of the ear: but now mine eye seeth thee./ Wherefore I abhor myself, and repent in dust and ashes") are of great importance not only in the overall interpretation of the book of Job but also in the interpretation of the problem it raises -namely the meaninglessness of suffering and the apparent incompatibility of the belief in a perfectly good and all-powerful God with the existence of evil. Thus, knowing how they were interpreted in the Middle Ages can tell about how they understood and experienced the problem of suffering. According to medieval exegetes Job's words show a progress in knowledge or familiarity with God (affective and experiential knowledge) capable of pacifying and enlightening the sufferer.
The literature of the last decades has insisted on the characteristics that differentiate male and female Cistercian monasteries, rather than looking for meeting places between both spaces of community life. The reason is that the cura monialium and complex construction processes led most female monasteries to show singular characteristics that set them apart from the well-known "type plan" of the Cistercian monastery, which was implemented in male monasteries. In this paper, as well as reconsidering the reality of the gender perspective, I will use the liturgy as an argument to interpret architectural differences that perhaps were not so great, insofar as we will re-evaluate the problem of the cura monialium, which did not affect beyond the internal arrangement of the monastic church for nuns, but rather-and very much so-its internal liturgical life. Our geography of study will focus on several significant cases of the Iberian Cistercian community, considering similar characteristics in other monasteries in Europe.
This article examines the phenomenon of spiritual kinship among slaves baptized in Seville during the 16th and 17th centuries. The qualitative and quantitative analysis of synodal documentation and parish baptismal records allows for the identification of established godparenting models and the factors conditioning the selection of godparents. The research reveals that the reduction in the number of spiritual parents, imposed by the Council of Trent, drastically limited slaves' opportunities to articulate new networks of sociability or reinforce existing ones through spiritual kinship. Whereas multi-godparent models predominated in the pre-Tridentine period, the application of conciliar norms led to the prevalence of single-godparent models, particularly the individual type. This reduction fostered an increasing social verticalization in the choice of spiritual parents, with a predominant profile of free men linked more to the immediate parish environment than to the master's household. Nevertheless, the post-Tridentine period also evidences an incipient process of horizontalization in these relationships, with a rise in the number of slaves and horros acting as godparents. Although a minority compared to the dominant godparenting profile, this increase suggests greater participation by these groups in the social and religious life of the city of Seville.
The group made up of the minor and major sacristans was an important sector in the Seville parish network. This research aims to know as deeply as possible the characteristics of this group of individuals, made up of both lay people and clerics. It was one of the last links of the lower urban clergy. For this reason, it has not traditionally received deep historiographical attention. A documentary review has been carried out in the archives of the city of Seville un order to develop this research, with the intention of collecting all possible information about these individuals and establishing the different conclusions that will facilitate a better understanding of the group studied here.
In the year 466 a Galatian named Ajax arrived to Gallaecia and with the help of the Suevian king Remismundo converted this barbarian group to Arianism. This fact is one of the prerogatives of the submission pact that he carried out with the Gothic king Theodoric II. The Suevi professed this religion until about the year 550, when another missionary, Martin of Dumio, converted them to Catholicism. Our aim in this article is to analyze and reconsider the figure of Ajax, and to glimpse in the few documentary sources available from the period, once the Chronicle of Hydatius of Chaves ends in 468, how this conversion would have developed.
This study is proposed as a first approach to a more precise knowledge of the churches and the configuration of the parish network that led to the formation of an archpriesthood in the north of the Iberian Peninsula. It is aimed at offering a hitherto non-existent x-ray of the evolution of those churches that became parishes. It constitutes, therefore, the foundations of an investigation that will be completed with the culmination of two other ongoing works dedicated to parish taxation and conflicts over powers that have arisen between the episcopal authority, its delegates and the Li & eacute;banas monasteries that own churches. As a natural region and border area, Li & eacute;bana achieved political significance in the future of the Asturian-Leonese monarchy and was the seat of two notable monastic domains. Based on the general results obtained in a previous study on the centers of worship in the whole of medieval Cantabria, a smaller-scale analysis of this territory integrated into the diocese of Le & oacute;n has been carried out. The meticulous collection of different types of historical and current data on each of these churches has allowed us to outline the broad outlines of their evolution and destiny until the end of the Middle Ages and the diversity of agents and situations that came together in the process of their conversion into parishes; in addition to glimpses of an early and solid hierarchy of the parish network that was not accompanied by a significant and prompt presence of episcopal power.
Long underestimated, and more important for Cistercian nunneries than for male Cistercian abbeys, aristocratic patronage played a primary role in the institutional situation of these communities. In Aragon and Castile, it gave them considerable autonomy from the authority of the Cistercian Order, and from that of other ecclesiastical and secular powers. Therefore, they did not need any form of self-organized federation in order to confront them and, indeed, their mutual contacts were more rare than has long been thought. Their ability to deal with the growing pressure of Cistercian authority over time depended on the continuation of patronage in the late Middle Ages. Royal patronage, as in Las Huelgas of Burgos, was merely an exception to the norm.
