This study proposes a conceptual framework for the management of Working Groups (WGs) in the Electoral Justice system, based on the integration between governance and innovation methodologies. The research is anchored in the Design Science (DS) paradigm and adopts the Systemic Engineering of Epistemic Designs (SEED) method as a methodological matrix, combined with the TRACE Cycle and the BUILD Model for structuring the artifact. The investigative path, of a qualitative and applied nature, included the AS-IS mapping of the activities of the WGs of the Regional Electoral Court of Goi & aacute;s (TRE-GO), validated by a WG Coordinator of the body. The resulting framework is organized into four constructs, four structuring axes, and twelve methodological components distributed in the input , throughput , and output phases , offering a structured path to overcome gaps in standardization, monitoring, and retention of institutional knowledge, contributing to managerial innovation in the judicial context, with potential for replicability in other Public Administration bodies.
In the context of global transformations of democratic regimes and the growing crisis of political legitimacy, the study of political participation is increasingly relevant. Using an interdisciplinary approach that combines quantitative and qualitative methods, including literature review (Scopus, Web of Science, Google Scholar) and analysis of IFES, World Bank, European Parliament, and EIGE reports, the research develops a model for assessing twenty-first-century political participation. Key evolutionary stages of participation theories are identified: institutional-behavioral (early 2000s), communicative-network (2010-2015), identity-existential (2015-2020), and post-institutional crisis-reflective (2020-present). Modern political mobilization is increasingly flexible, hybrid, emotional, and digitally mediated, requiring new theoretical frameworks. A critical classification of participation theories-liberalelite, participatory, resource-mobilization, digital-network, radical-democratic, postcolonial, and resilient-reveals diverse citizen engagement patterns. The proposed Analytical Model covers institutional, socio-cultural, digital-communicative, and semantic-existential dimensions, highlighting a paradigm shift from formal to value-driven, identity-based, and digitally mediated participation, reshaping approaches to legitimacy, representativeness, and civic engagement.
This theoretical article addresses the invisibility of forced migrant women in Brazil and the challenges in realizing their rights, despite recent normative advances. Using a critical framework inspired by Carolina Hissa's work, it discusses how legal frameworks-the 1988 Federal Constitution, the Refugee Law (Law 9.474/1997) and the New Migration Law (Law 13.445/2017)-guarantee rights to refugees, but in practice forced migrant women remain on the margins, facing multiple vulnerabilities. It highlights the need for public policies sensitive to intercultural and intersectional perspectives, coordinating government and civil society efforts to promote full social inclusion of these women. The article underlines the importance of recognizing forced migrant women as rights-bearing subjects and agents of their own integration, moving beyond a merely assistance-based view and ensuring the exercise of citizenship in Brazil.
The article analyzes how legislative omission affects the effectiveness of constitutional rights aimed at reducing gender inequalities. It examines three provisions of the 1988 Brazilian Constitution that depend on regulation: art. 7, I, on protection against arbitrary dismissal; art. 245, concerning state compensation for crime victims; and art. 23, sole paragraph, regarding federative cooperation. The study employs a theoretical and normative approach, based on literature and document analysis, to demonstrate that the lack of regulation undermines the material effectiveness of women's fundamental rights and produces measurable social, economic and institutional impacts. It concludes that legislative inertia functions as a structural mechanism that maintains gender inequalities by preventing constitutional guarantees from being fully realized in women's daily lives.
