Except for expert evaluations and citizen surveys, few studies have specifically examined the quality of democracy in Spain. This article analyzes its evolution between 1979 and 2024 using an index constructed through factor analysis. The results reveal a progressive decline since 2011. To identify the factors underlying this trend, a combined methodology is employed, integrating neural networks and structural equation modelling. The findings indicate that party system institutionalization, measured by electoral volatility, and, less robustly, economic growth, measured by GDP, exert a negative effect on democratic quality. Individualism and populism are also introduced as novel variables; however, neither these nor the other variables included in the model prove statistically significant. In the case of populism, the results suggest a possible endogenous relationship with democratic quality.
Populism is a key actor in liberal societies, posing a challenge of adaptation for democratic systems, which, by definition, are driven by continuous innovation and redefinition to preserve their normative domain. This article examines the underlying long-term factors that explain the electoral, social, and cultural success of a specific variant of populism: right-wing populism, or national populism. The framework for understanding its rise must be situated in recent precipitating and amplifying conditions, such as economic and migration crises, but above all, in the transformations of high-speed societies and the capacity of rightwing populism to offer seemingly effective political responses to citizens' demands.
Donald Trump's second term has prompted a new international debate among political leaders, opinion leaders and academics about the state of US democracy. Phenomena such as the polarisation and division of American society have featured prominently in this debate. The role of foreign policy, however, has received far less attention, despite its recent salience in the conflicts in Gaza and Ukraine. This article concludes that, despite having a secondary nature in domestic politics, foreign policy has accompanied and fuelled these key phenomena for the future of US democracy.
Polarisation has become a central feature of contemporary political systems, resulting in significant implications for their stability. Beyond reflecting pre-existing tensions, affective polarisation can erode democratic norms and foster tolerance of less democratic forms of government. This article examines how affective polarisation shapes favourable attitudes towards non-democratic systems in Spain. Drawing on data from the ECIS 3480 barometer and using a generalised additive model (GAM), we show that higher levels of affective polarisation are associated with greater preference for non-democratic options. The findings suggest that affective polarisation acts as a risk factor for the quality and resilience of democracy, and therefore contributes to a growing acceptance of trade-offs between material well-being and democratic principles.
