北宋东京宫城西北部的"禁中",是君主私人空间.此禁中 自宋初以来不断调整、发展,其在绍圣四年(1097)的门户,东为迎阳门、会通门,南为垂拱殿后门、需云殿后门、龙图天章宝文阁后门与皇仪殿门,另有延春阁门为禁中的西北部出口,其范围小于以往学界所认为的"内朝"或"禁中".内朝诸殿阁与龙图、天章、宝文等阁,实际上处于北宋的禁中之外.学界对北宋"禁中"概念的模糊认知,既受到当时文学语言的影响,也受到北宋晚期特定语境下的"禁中"与制度化的"真禁中"混淆影响,更受到南宋人对北宋制度错误认识的影响.与唐代相比,北宋禁中是较单纯的君主生活区,政治功能减弱,最显著的特点即内朝被排除在外,这是北宋皇权强化与士大夫政治的双重体现.
《中国历史地图集》第8册清"浙江"图(中国地图出版社,1987年,图31-32)关于清代江浙两省海域山岛的归属,有三处值得商榷. 其一,大洋山(又称大羊山)被标注属江苏海域,不确.雍正《浙江通志》卷96《海防》载,康熙二十九年(1690),江浙进行海域勘界,"浙江海汛,以大羊山为界".(凤凰出版社,2010年,第109页)关于大洋山的归属,史料有明确记载: 1.乾隆三十年(1765),江苏苏松镇总兵马全奏巡查外海情形称:"(小羊山)东南四十里之大羊山,系浙省定海汛境."(《清高宗实录》卷745,中华书局,1985年,第204页)
晚清时期是中国历史上自然灾害的高发期之一.通过小波分析、突变检验等方法复原晚清渭河沿线地区旱涝的时空变化状况,发现该区域旱涝灾害具有明显的阶段性、空间差异性、周期性,且存在突变.从时间上看,1844-1880年为中度、重度旱灾多发期,1880-1911年为中度、重度涝灾多发期,且短期内旱涝交替频繁.从空间上看,渭河上游沿线属于易旱地区,中下游大部分区域为易涝地区,旱涝趋势呈现出明显的东西差异.渭河沿线地区夏秋两季易发生连涝,春夏秋三季易发生连旱,季节性的旱涝对传统农业社会造成较大威胁.整体上,旱涝灾害以17到18年的周期最为突出,呈现中小周期变化特点,而在1883年、1890年及1898年存在明显的突变.晚清渭河沿线地区旱涝灾害的时空变化特征可能与ENSO、太阳活动等因素有关.
明代于各地设立卫所,并开展屯田,屯田的基层单位是百户领导的"屯".在干旱的河西走廊地区存在近渠而居的传统,常以"渠"指代聚落.明中叶之后,由于边镇缺粮,加上以军户为中心的屯田制度发生崩坏,河西卫所不再以屯为基本单位进行屯田,开始吸纳军户以外的本地族群作为屯丁耕种屯田.本地族群所居住的渠系逐渐演变为河西走廊地区一种特殊的卫所屯田单位"渠坝".
宋代高邮受到漕运、行政成本、政治改革、南北关系等因素的影响,政区性质在军、县、州之间数次变化.北宋初年为征伐南唐及强化对新获之地的控制,高邮由县升军.北宋中期的降县和复军,主要是受熙丰变法及漕运的影响.建炎年间为笼络薛庆,升其驻地高邮为承州,统辖天长军,割兴化县来属.绍兴初年,镇抚使失去价值,故废承州为县.绍兴末年高邮再次升军,此后政区性质未变,但辖县有所调整.孝宗朝兴化县两次割隶高邮军,这与其"北伐"失败后内修民政、经略江淮,以图收复中原的战略措施相关.军政区的设置满足了广阔地域差异化管理的需求,一定程度上弥补了宋代基层政区军事力量薄弱的缺陷,节约了基层行政成本,并使行政体系更具灵活性和稳定性.
美国汉学家司马富在他所著《图绘中华,经纬天下》一书中,以中华外部的"他者"视角,着重考察宋代以来"天下图"的流变及其文化意涵,由此揭示中古以来我国地图创作中所反映的传统天道论与地理观念、政治制度与世界观等诸多特征及演变规律.作者在书中主要运用的中西比较地图学分析方法及其所倡导的广义"文化地图学"理念,对我国历史地图学研究具有启发意义.
北魏末年因徙蛮政策失当,引发荆蛮外叛.平定李洪叛乱后,北魏设立南广州.永安元年,费穆解荆州之围,北魏调整南疆区划,在南广州基础上,分荆、司之地置广州.因间隔甚短,致使《魏书·地形志》南广州与广州并存,且所领郡县多有重合.北魏分裂后,广州倒向西魏,成为洛阳滞留贵族入关的枢纽,防御重心即由抗拒晋阳威逼转换为遏制东魏西进,由此卷入东西势力角逐中,因而反复易手.武定五年,侯景叛东魏,将广州献给西魏,东魏遂将广州治所从鲁阳迁至襄城.通观北魏置广州及迁治的过程,其防御格局的转换与中国政治格局从"南北"转向"东西"同步,隐含着内陆边疆的变迁史.
隋朝大业十二年(616),鄱阳人林士弘在豫章郡建立楚国,其政权经历了扩张、转折与衰败三个阶段,疆域从赣北扩展到赣南以及岭南.在武德元年(618)被萧铣击败后,林楚丢失了赣北和岭南的大部分地区,迁都虔州,终在武德五年(622)灭亡.在此期间,林楚及其大将王戎、流寇张善安、萧铣梁国等几方对洪州地区展开争夺,给唐初该地的政区面貌留下了深刻痕迹.
In the Northern Song Dynasty, the Yunmen Buddhist group rose rapidly with a large scale and relatively complete Dharma pedigree, which provided a perfect case for exploring the reasons for the rise of Zen Buddhist community. Based on the temporal and spatial distribution of Yunmen Buddhist community’s Dharma transmission, this paper finds that the support of local officials in the southeast and the unity within Yunmen Buddhist community were the reasons for the development and growth of Yunmen Buddhist community, and the theory of integrating Confucianism and Taoism into Buddhism was the ideological basis for Yunmen Buddhist group to obtain the support of scholars. Another reason for the success of the Yunmen Buddhist community was that being abbots in capital and to seeks the support of the supreme ruler. Submitting to the emperor and becoming a part of the Dynasty’s enlightenment system became the key to the emergence of the Zen Buddhist group in the Northern Song Dynasty.
The Map named as Yu Di Tu（A General Map of China）collected in Rikkyoku-an Temple Kyotofukoh in Japan was not a woodcut, but a rubbing copied from the map carved on a Stone Stele in the late period of Southern Song Dynasty. Among the extant ancient maps before the Ming Dynasty, it is the onefold map with the largest number of annotations and the most abundant historical and geographic information, which has more than 2,600 annotations may be identified on the extant map. As far as the Northeastern region in China is concerned, the place names such as Zaodong Mountain, Cu Palace and Ashuigu River, as well as the annotations such as Yuzhai Xinjing and Muye Mountain cannot be found in other extant historical records, which provides valuable historical data for relevant research. Although the documental source of Yu Di Tu is still unclear,it is certainly not based on Huang Shang’s Geographic Map carved on the wood. It is worthful for Yu Di Tu shows that the cultural achievements of ancient Chinese map may be far beyond our current understanding.
Since Tan Qixiang published a famous paper about why the Yellow River had a long-term stable flow situation after the Eastern Han Dynasty in 1962, the academic circle has been heated discussions on this question and relative issues. Based on the perspective of digital humanities, the research methods of Distant Reading and Close Reading are used to carry out bibliometric and knowledge graph analysis of related studies, in order to clarify the literature characteristics, research of hot topics and theme venation. The results show that the academic circle paid high attention to the discussion around year of 2000, and related researches presented the overall trend of inter-disciplinary research. These researches focus on three hot-spot topics:the disaster history of the Yellow River, the water conservancy history of the Yellow River and the environmental changes of the Yellow River basin. Correspondingly, these researches also discuss the core academic issues such as the definition standard of Yellow River stable flow situation, the significance of Wang Jing’s Governing Yellow River and the influencing factors of Yellow River stable flow. In view of this comprehensive complexity problems, the conclusions in current research are still uncertain. In the future, more researches should be based on the digital integration and treatment of historical materials, integrated the multidisciplinary perspective, research methods and technical tools to further reveal the multi-scale spatial and temporal evolution process, mechanism and law of the human-water interaction system in the Yellow River Basin.
秦于灭六国战争前夕划定边塞徼,统一后更名为"故塞""故徹",又可统称为"故徼",其与传世文献中的"故塞""故徼"有所不同."东故徼"位于太原—东郡—南郡一线,南阳郡新野县在其以内,南郡州陵、沙羡二县至少其一在其以外.东故徼在秦的统一与治理中发挥了重要作用,或在秦始皇三十二年被废置.汉初中央辖地东界沿袭自秦代的东故徼,张家山汉简《二年律令·津关令》所见五关防线也应是承秦之旧.由于与诸侯国的紧张关系,汉初加强了对这两条南北向防线的管控.随着形势发展,两条防线均有所变化,汉武帝"广关",客观上可看作对两者的调和.
Zhang Jian（1853—1926）, a native of Nantong, Jiangsu Province, was familiar with Chinese historical and geographical books, had insight into the advantages and disadvantages of traditional Chinese maps,and grasped China’s regional geographical vision. Under the major historical background of the reform, industrial salvation, local autonomy, the 1911 revolution and the transformation of surveying and mapping, Zhang Jian improved the local surveying and mapping management measures in Nantong, and successively presided over and completed the actual measurement（1908—1910）, the actual drawing（1910—1911）and the mapping（1914—1915）of the Atlas of Nantong County, which lasted more than seven years. The purpose of surveying and mapping the Atlas of Nantong County was to inspect the land, local autonomy and prepare the applied map, and it had both academic and practical significance. As for the development of China’s Cartography, this atlas has created a precedent for the county mapping of China’s 1∶5000 scale topographic map, and it is the exclusive achievement of complete county mapping of 1∶5000 scale topographic map in China, as well as the only local surveying and mapping result of large-scale topographic map mapped by non-military departments during the modern scientific transformation period of China’s surveying and mapping technology. As for the history of local authority, this atlas is an important basic achievement of the specific practice of local autonomy in the county, and it is a specific innovative measure of local autonomy that embodies the world vision.
现藏于德国哥廷根大学图书馆的《大清万年一统经纬舆图》,为清代广州道士李明徹所绘的全国总图.该图是李明徹在澳门向来华西人习得经纬度绘图法后,参照《嘉庆会典舆图》《乾隆十三排图》《西域闻见录》等材料绘成,绘制时间为1825年前后.李明徹绘制时参考不同材料进行选择与整合,力求精确反映清代疆域地理,但也因此造成一定的绘制误差.该图绘成后,先在来华新教传教士内部流传,继而为英国东印度公司负责人部楼顿所获,并在1844年英国皇家地理学会成员会议上展示,后入藏哥廷根大学.《大清万年一统经纬舆图》作为清代全国总图绘制形式转型的缩影,其背后所呈现的是时人疆域认同的重塑与地理观念的更迭.透过该图还可窥见西方绘图技法东传、清朝地理信息西传的知识环流现象.
On the basis of the achievements of previous scholars, the Marquis State Geography of the Western Han Dynasty（Revised Edition）has carried out a comprehensive discussion on the geographical issues of the marquis states of the Western Han Dynasty. The book attaches great importance to the careful textual research and analysis of the geographical evolution of the marquis states, and concludes different characteristics of their geographical distribution. Meanwhile, a series of new views have been obtained under the background of grand political history. Thus, the book can be regarded as an important work on the historical geography study of the Western Han Dynasty.
地名通名"弄"主要有三种演变路径.小巷义的"弄"源于汉语,为吴语特征词,集中分布于浙江、苏南、上海.宋以前,"巷"的吴语方音读如"弄",吴语与官话同形异音.至迟于南宋,"衡""衕"开始记录"弄",吴语官话分流,"弄""巷"异形异音."弄"在浙赣移民迁徙的路线上留下痕迹,散见于江西、湖南、湖北、安徽、福建等地,是现代南方方言区形成的缩影.山谷义的"弄"为"巄"之讹变.还有部分"弄"传承于百越语或其他语言."弄"的分布与演变映射着语言的不同历史层次与接触关系,有助于理解区域文化变迁,为地名规范、地名考证工作提供了一定参考.
2022年12月,陕西省考古研究院邢福来、陕西师范大学侯甬坚主编的《五至十世纪统万城夏州城考古发现与研究》一书,由三秦出版社出版问世.该书4册一函,包括考古编、研究编各1册,图版编2册,均为精装本.2021年,该书入选国家出版基金项目.
2022年6月28日,得知并找到李大海、林创杰合作《中国地理学会历史地理专业委员会成立时间刍议》一文(刊在南京大学历史学院编《史地》第4辑,社会科学文献出版社2021年版,第108-120页;以下简称为《刍议》、专委会),阅读后方知晓二位作者不同意专委会成立于1961年、而是赞同1979年成立的看法.作为1961年说的提出者,在此,我表达一下自己的看法.
明清以来,云贵高原内部的湖沼湿地水体发生严重萎缩乃至消亡.通过历史地貌学方法,对1368-1945年间曲靖坝子湖沼湿地演变过程进行研究,成功复原了 5个时间断面的曲靖坝子水环境情形.复原结果显示,过去600年间曲靖坝子高原湖沼湿地天然景观萎缩,逐渐形成以高原圩田水网为代表的现代农业景观.这一演变过程受到自然因素的明显制约,但人类活动才是导致演变的主要驱动力.其中,元、明两代为加强边疆控制,于云贵高原大规模推行屯田政策,开启了曲靖水环境的转变过程;随着全国和区域人口压力上升,外来移民涌入与本地人口增长为曲靖水环境变迁提供了持续动力;而圩田、河道治理等技术相继引入与运用,则改变了曲靖坝子的土地利用模式,加速了区内湖沼消亡.这一案例表明,明清以来云贵高原坝区日益激烈的人地矛盾,是导致天然湖沼湿地逐步消亡的主要原因.
《会昌—品集》记载的黑车子,在东北兴安岭一带活动,即后来《辽史》中的黑车子室韦,属于古蒙古语族部落.敦煌出土藏文P.t.1283藏文地理文书中的ga-ra-ga(n)-lig(qara qangl?l?γ/qara qangl?γ,黑车子),早期在叶尼塞河流域活动,是叶尼塞碑铭记录的康里族的一支,操古代突厥语.qara qangl?l?γ/qara qangl?γ黑车子族约在8世纪后期被回鹘征服,后成为回鹘的附属部族之一.qara qangl?l?γ/qara qangl?γ黑车子族与黑车子室韦是分属古突厥语族和古蒙古语族的不同部落,二者不应被相互混淆.
