This paper examines the Cheng-bai Lun concerning Confucius in the Analects from the perspective of intellectual history,asking whether it can provide a basis for dating the compilation of the text.The study argues that the Analects exhibits significant internal tensions and multiple perspectives in both its treatment of core concepts such as Ren仁and in its portrayal of Confucius,lacking a coherent and traceable development of ideas sufficient for historical periodization.A systematic comparison with Qiongda yishi《穷达以时》,Mencius,Xunzi,and Lüshi chunqiu《吕氏春秋》shows that,although the Analects encompasses multiple views of success and failure—appeals to Tianming 天命,assessments of circumstances时势,and inward morality—its statements remain fragmentary and lack deeper intertextual correspondences with other texts.The conclusion is that,given the fragmentary nature of its thought and the absence of sustained argument on core issues,intellectual-historical analysis based solely on the theme of success and failure is insufficient to determine the date of compilation,highlighting the theoretical and methodological challenges in dating early Confucian texts.
The process whereby the early myths were lost is generally referred to as"euhemerization"or"euhemerism".However,the story of Kung Kung and the flood in Yao Tien demonstrates China's unique"reverse euhemerism",because there is no Chinese mythology that we can claim is forgotten Chinese history,and there is only a richly pre-served putative ancient Chinese history.The real importance of China's"reverse euhemerism"is not whether history becomes myth,or myth becomes history.Rather,the real importance is that the distinction between the two,and hence between gods and men,has been obliterated.This is exactly the feature of archaic Chinese religion and myth that should command our attention.
THIS ESSAY PRESENTS A CONFUCIAN PERSPECTIVE ON LI (rites, propriety). My main concern is question, How can a Confucian moral philosopher move from ethical to dimension of li? Section 1 provides an analysis of scope, evolution, functions, and a brief discussion of question of justification of li. (1) Section 2 deals with inner aspect of foundation of conduct, motivational aspect of li-performance. Section 3 discusses outer aspect of foundation of li, focusing on Hsun Tzu's vision of triad of t'ien (heaven, nature), earth, and humanity (ts'an t'ien-ti), an interpretation of his use of t'ien, shen (spirits, gods) and shen-ming (spiritual or godlike enlightenment) as expressing a respect for established linguistic, practice without an endorsement of associated popular beliefs. This interpretation leaves open question of validity of reasoned beliefs, while presuming dimension of li as extension of Confucian ethics. Section 4 centers on ethical significance of li of mourning and sacrifice and more general question on efficacy of li, and concludes with some remarks on transformative significance of dimension of li. I An Analysis of Li. For more than two millennia, traditional Chinese moral life and thought have been much preoccupied with li as a means for realization of Confucian ideal of tao (Way) or human excellence (shan). Implicit in this notion of li is an idea of rule-governed A rough indication of its scope may be gathered from a list of possible translations. Depending on context of Confucian discourse, li can be translated as religious ceremony, deportment, decorum, formality, politeness, courtesy, etiquette, good form, good behavior, [or] good manners. (2) For convenience of reference it is sometimes desirable to use such terms as rules of propriety, or rules of proper conduct. (3) For marking pervasive feature of members of this list, one might propose such terms as rites, rituals, ritual propriety, or ritual rules, especially if we think of rites in broad sense as inclusive of any established practice or set of action-guides that stresses formal procedures for proper behavior. However, without explicit explanation, this usage is likely to be misleading, particularly in view of different connotations of term. For this reason, I shall retain transliteration li in this essay and adopt Hsun Tzu's distinction between generic (kung-ming) and specific terms (pieh-ming). A generic term is a formal, general, abstract term amenable to specification by other terms in different contexts of discourse. These terms, used in practical or theoretical contexts, may be said to be specific terms in sense that they specify significance of use of a generic term adapted to a current purpose of discourse. Li will be used as a generic notion subject to specification in context by such locution as the li of x, where x may mean mourning, sacrifices, marriage, manners, and so forth. (4) In this sense, law, morality, religion, and other social institutions, insofar as they require compliance with formal procedures, may be said to be concerned with propriety. However, as a term for a compendious description of scope of li, ritual propriety or like presupposes some understanding of connection of li with other cardinal notions of Confucian ethics. Although we occasionally refer to dependence of ethical significance of li on jen (benevolence, humanity) and yi (rightness, righteousness), for present purposes we assume their conceptual connection without elaboration. (5) Our explication of li is based mainly on works of Hsun Tzu and Li Chi (Record of Li). (6) The Li Chi is one of three ancient texts on li: Chou Li, Yi Li, and Li Chi. …
欣逢中国人民大学国学院"国学与中华民族现代文明建设"学术研讨会隆重召开,我谨代表湖南大学岳麓书院对论坛的召开表示由衷热烈的祝贺!中国人民大学国学院自2005年成立以来,秉持"大国学"观念,温故知新,筚路蓝缕,在中华优秀传统文化实现创造性转化与创新性发展的宏伟指引下,紧跟时代发展需求,重视关怀时代需要,成就斐然,影响深远,已然成为了我国国学教育研究的先行者、国学学科建设的领航者、国学传播的佼佼者.本次大会的主题是探讨"国学"与"中华民族现代文明建设",选题高屋建瓴、切中肯綮,既呼应了国家的文化战略,也可以总结国学学科建设中已有的成就,直面存在的问题,展望在新的历史时期"国学学科"的使命和发展前景.
"降"是一个多音多义字,本文详细讨论了它在上古汉语时期的音义匹配及句法特征,认为读见母去声的"降"用在双宾式时指强制性地赐予,用在"于"字式时指普通的降予."降"读见母去声时还可以指"在具有序列性的事物上降低",大型古汉语辞书中应增设这个义项.先秦到两汉,"降"在韵文中基本上都只和平声字押韵,可能是因为当时能与"降"押韵的去声字较少.中古音义文献在注音时可能受押韵的影响,认为同调相押更加和谐,给某些韵脚字注隐性叶音,造成音义匹配的例外.
本文为笔者所主持的国家社科后期基金《日本大典禅师本源发覆》之一部分.大典《杜律发挥》的注评,多本源于中国注家,但大多未注明出处,因此,明晰大典注评的中国本源,可窥见海外杜诗深层接受的中国化特点.大典好批驳中国诸家,解读心态颇为复杂,显示出希图构建日 本本土化杜诗阐释的迫切心理.大典稍后的津阪东阳著《杜律详解》,几将《杜律发挥》评述尽数引用,由此可见大典注评产生了良好的本土影响,将日本杜诗接受推向更深层.兹录出疏证凡例,以明本研究之宗旨及体例;又择取《杜律发挥》上卷十首七言律诗为案例,勾稽大典点评的中国来源,分析大典的创见以及大典注评的本土影响.
以"诗史"论杜诗,肇自晚唐孟启《本事诗》.《本事诗》取法于《左传》阐释传统和《诗经》大小序体例,强调"推见至隐",具有寓主观褒贬于客观史事的倾向.考求孟启本义,"杜逢禄山之难,流离陇蜀"并非对"诗史"创作时间、地点的严格限制,而是对杜甫生平的记叙.从结构上来看,《本事诗》的叙述并非"崇李抑杜",反而以杜甫对李白生平的记叙,强调杜诗的纪实性.作为孟氏"诗史"说重要内涵的"推见至隐",指杜诗效仿《春秋》书法,褒贬美恶,尊王攘夷.杜诗"诗史"概念与《春秋》有着紧密联系,绍续薪传自乃祖杜预,并影响了宋代"诗史"概念的建构."推见至隐"是"诗史"说兼备抒情与叙事传统的一重视角.
一 提倡中国自主知识体系的建构,多少意味着我们现有知识体系的中国特色不够鲜明.从某种意义上讲,中国现代学术的知识体系,基本上都是源之于西方,不论社会科学,还是人文学科.就中国哲学这一学科而论,在其诞生之初,就被深深打上西方学术范式的烙印.众所周知,中国哲学这一学科奠基于胡适与冯友兰两先生.
赵次公对杜诗"字字皆有来处""从万卷中来"的认识,源自宋人"以故为新"的创作理念.赵次公把"来处"细分为"字""语""势""事",涉及词语、句式、诗法、典故等多种类型,且从字面与意义、祖出与孙出、分用与合用等多个层面,详细剖析杜诗转化前人语词典故的方式方法和造语过程,还分析杜诗所用语词在历史上的使用范例,展示诗歌语词诗法的流变,充分体现了黄庭坚为代表的宋诗学特色.
汉代"侍中"经历了一个不断制度化的过程,这一过程在层累形成的历史文献中,留下了后人书写与建构的痕迹,在细节上尚有一些不清晰之处,仍有进一步探讨的空间.汉初的"侍中"作为职事,制度化程度较低.随着皇帝侧近官僚组织的演进,"侍中"成为官名,逐渐被纳入王朝官僚行政体系,并开始形成机构,拥有秩级,是为其制度化之路.在这个过程中,"侍中"的性质经历了从职事到加官、再到官位的演变.以汉代"侍中"的制度化进程为例进行剖析,不仅为进一步探讨汉代所谓"中朝""加官"问题提供了基础,亦有助于思考权力、观念与历史记忆互动中所谓的"制度".
上古汉语的基本词汇中存在大量由词义构词和音变构词产生的名动配对词.依据其语义句法特征、名动转类的语义基础,上古汉语的名动配对词可以区分为不同的类别.名动转类现象中,称述天气现象、生理现象的名动配对词"雨""疾"等可以归为过程类.过程类名动配对词在句法、语义特征方面具有内部一致性,和其它诸类差别较大.同时,名动配对词内部有不同的历史层次.本文以过程类名动配对词为例,详细分析该类词语的语义句法特征及其历史层次,论述该类别的词语的内部共性及其内部差异.
杜甫题画诗是杜诗题材中的一种,杜甫诗意图是指宋以后画家或文人取材杜甫诗诗句、诗篇或者意象而创作的图像,二者是诗画结合的具体表现,通过分析杜甫题画诗与杜甫诗意图的"再现"功能和"寄托"诗学思想,能够发现诗画"合璧"促进了杜诗的经典化.杜甫题画诗以"言志""表真"的方式描述绘画,生发绘画所蕴蓄之情,能够体现画外之音,象外之意,作为杜诗题材的一种,题画诗提升了杜诗的价值,成为开此体之先锋者.杜甫诗意图从重形似到重神似、从表现杜甫诗意到表达画家情意,与中国绘画理论发展有关,更与杜诗接受密切联系,题画诗与诗意图通过同质性互为关联,并以各自擅长的方式促进了杜诗经典化.
"第七届杜甫读书会"已经接近尾声,站在这里致闭幕辞,有很多话想说.我们还是从2015年的春天说起吧.那年4月25日,读书会在杜甫的老家河南巩义组织了第一次会议.当时没有资金来源,没有组织支持,但读书会成员满怀信心,凭着对杜甫的一腔热情,即使自己掏腰包,也要把会办起来.而今,境况大不相同."第七届杜甫读书会"得到了河南大学文学院的支持,会议办得有声有色,来宾其乐融融.这种变化,不仅仅是物质上的,还体现在读书会成员学问方面的成长.今天的会议场地安排用心良苦,选择在河南大学郑州校区的友兰学堂举行,明天我们会接着在开封的河南大学明伦校区举行,就是想让各位专家既看到河南大学的新气象,还要看到河南大学走过的路.不忘往来,才有未来.河南大学的昨天、今天和明天,也在一定程度上反映着我们学术界的过去、现在和将来.
清代学者严可均根据《晋书·傅玄传》对《傅子》的相关记载,以及《三国志》裴注所引录的《傅子》,推断《傅子》中篇为《魏书》底本、外篇为"三史故事".裴注引录的《傅子》原文,大部分属于《魏书》底本所立传记,个别人物评论等内容,则可能属于内篇;而现存"三史故事"的佚文,则是舆服、丧礼制度和法律判例,具有与正史史志比较的价值.总体而言,由于《傅子》的散佚,后人对其书兼备史体的著述性质认识不足;《魏书》底本与"三史故事"皆是傅玄个人著述的一部分,傅玄将其编入作为子书的《傅子》,在学术史上亦是极为罕见的.
20世纪以来,出土文献对考索先秦两汉思想学术史起到了重要作用,其中,出土文献同经学之间的关系尤其令人关注.出土经学文献同传世的"六艺经传"之间有何关联?它们是"同源异流"的关系,还是各自独立地生成?借助新发现的出土文献,能否对战国时期经典文献的流传做出重新考察,并反思汉代学者对古代文献的书写?在夏含夷教授同李若晖教授的访谈中,夏先生以《清华简》及其他出土经学文献为例,回应了上述出土文献和经学的相关问题,指出出土文献的特殊价值在于可以帮助今天的学者看到汉代以前文献的原貌,此外,夏先生还谈及了 自己主持"《研究与英译》"项目的进展状况,以及海外汉学对国学研究的特殊价值.
"夺"和"争""攘"在上古汉语中经常连用."夺""争"单用时用例的及物性较高,"攘"单用时用例的及物性较低.但是,"夺"无论是与"争"连用还是与"攘"连用,用例的及物性都较低,语义上不再指具体事件,而是指抽象的一类行为."争夺"的凝固性高于"夺攘/攘夺"的凝固性.
安史之乱以后,吐蕃渐次占据河陇地区.虽然吐蕃占领时间不过百年,却使河陇大部由文化荟萃之区变为"左衽"之地,在民族与文化上均呈现出"吐蕃化"的趋向.本文通过对汉藏文史料的梳理,发现民族迁徙是吐蕃对河陇占领区的核心策略之一,吐蕃一方面将敦煌以外的河陇诸州城居人口迁徙到吐蕃东境,另一方面将吐蕃境内的吐蕃、退浑、苏毗、党项诸羌以及焉耆的龙家等族陆续迁入河陇,并将许多河陇州城作为军队驻扎和殖民场所,由此造成了河陇与吐蕃东境民族结构的重大改变.民族结构改变进一步导致了文化面貌的改变,藏语取代汉语成为各族的通用语,佛教寺院和佛教徒受到吐蕃保护,佛教由此成为维系蕃汉各族的文化纽带.不同于河陇其他城市,受到保护的敦煌成为河西唯一的汉文化中心.鄯、廓、河州等河湟地区由于蕃汉移民的汇入和吐蕃的支持,成为汉藏文化交汇的中心,孕育了灿烂的佛教文化,成为后吐蕃时代藏地佛法复兴的源泉.
一般的观点认为,从唐朝衰落到蒙古帝国～元朝兴起之间,换言之9/10至12世纪的丝绸之路在不断衰退.但是我一贯反对这一通论,本论文清晰地展示了相关缘由.天山东部地区(今新疆维吾尔自治区东半部)是丝绸之路地带上的一个重要地区,当时占据它的是西州回鹘王国,此处的居民即回鹘人是佛教徒或景教徒,绝非回教徒.通过运用他们在吐鲁番盆地诸遗址及敦煌千佛洞等处留下的回鹘文文书,与东方的汉文史料、西方的波斯语史料进行比较研究,可以得出以下结论.活跃在蒙古帝国～元朝的"斡脱/Ortaq/ortuq"商人的起源,并非西方身为回教徒的回回商人,而是东方身为佛教徒或景教徒的回鹘商人.不过所谓的回鹘商人,实际上是归化了西州回鹘王国并与回鹘人混血的粟特系回鹘人.换言之,回鹘商人的先驱者是隋唐时期活跃在内亚丝绸之路上的粟特商人.同唐代金融资本"波斯钱"一样知名的"回鹘钱",与字面意义不同,应该是在协助唐朝镇压安史之乱的漠北回鹘汗国庇护下的粟特商人所经营的"粟特钱".
石台孝经,可视为一座玄宗时代的纪念碑性石刻,其刻立一方面是为了塑造唐玄宗个人不朽功业的纪念碑,另一方面是用文字和书法营建出一座儒家内涵的玄宗像.关于石台孝经的特殊形制,主要来源于《孝经纬》《论语纬》等儒家经义的视觉化呈现、嵩阳观纪圣德感应碑和乾陵述圣纪碑三个方面,共同组成了融三台、五岳、九州、都城、方形碑顶碑身碑座、出檐式景云图案云盘为一体的唐帝国最高等级的石刻景观.从书法政治的角度考察,石台孝经和纪泰山铭、庆唐观纪圣铭和阙特勤碑这四种国家景观体现着唐帝国的意识形态观念,成为展示国家权威、合法性、国家特性与形象的重要标识,共同构建着唐帝国开放强盛的国家地理格局,映现出了大唐昭示天下的政治文化权威.
为积极响应建构中国人文研究学术自主知识体系的要求,发扬冯其庸先生开创的"大国学"的研究理念,中国人民大学国学院提出了建设"中国古典学"学科和学术研究体系的设想.国学院广泛吸取学界建议,与无锡市惠山区委、惠山区人民政府、冯其庸学术馆联合筹办"人文学术新路径:中国古典学研究"学术研讨会.会议邀请中国社会科学院、北京大学、清华大学等多所高校和科研机构的学者,与会学者围绕"中国古典学的理论与方法"和"中国古典学的实际问题"进行了深入探讨.
