This article explores the alternative music scene in Debrecen, Hungary’s second largest town, in the first decade after the fall of the Berlin Wall. It describes the conditions of its emergence, highlighting the influence of western music and new wave DIY subculture that served as a catalyst in the identity formation of its participants, both musicians and audiences. It argues that in contrast with the politicized rock of the Budapest underground, the international dimension served as a founding element of scene-formation in Debrecen. The aesthetic cosmopolitanism was achieved through translating the affective packages and anti-mainstream sentiments of new wave music into the local context. This research is based on conversations with prominent members of the scene, and offers several case studies of Debrecen bands. It includes song lyrics to illustrate the cosmopolitan dimension of bands and records arising from the scene. It draws on the studies of subcultures, translocality and cosmopolitanism.
Chayanov, outside of his theoretical analysis of how peasant households are distinctive for being at once a production and a consumption unit and the multiple implications of that fact, has made two other major theoretical contributions, one making clear that peasant economies observe the logic of "differential optimums" rather than the simple logic of economies of scale and the other having to do with the need for co-operatives for "vertical integration" of small peasant economies in order to preserve for the peasants more of the value of their products in the BIG MARKET. The former can be readily observed in the "new agriculture revolution" of the Chinese economy in the past few decades; the latter can be readily seen in the striking modernization of the "East Asian" (i.e., Japan, South Korea, and the Taiwan area) economies since 1945. China's annual "Number One Documents" about agriculture of the past two decades have shown how the country first mistakenly tried to imitate the simple scale-economy logic of the United States and then shifted since 2018 toward a new emphasis on the peasants as the principal agents of agricultural development and peasant villages as the basic unit for agricultural co-ops. Those have been the basis for new advances as well as for reinterpretations and modifications of Chayanov's two major theoretical visions.
Poverty and inequality are two historical issues that have straddled the entire human civilization.An ideal society characterized by common prosperity has always been the core pursuit of great thinkers of all times.Modem capitalism has created unprecedented material wealth and provided the possibility for human society as a whole to get out of poverty.However,this economic system based on private ownership has its inherent limita-tions,which makes it impossible to bring human society fundamentally out of the historical predicament of in-equality.The Chinese approach to common prosperity,rooted in the socialist economic foundation,has not only succeeded in lifting a population of 1.4 billion out of poverty,but also shed a light of hope on the historical co-nundrum of inequality;hence its double penetration of common prosperity.As we are in the new phase of devel-opment,our policy for common prosperity should work on highlighting people-orientation in common prosperi-ty,consolidating government responsibility for common prosperity,pooling together social resources,and build-ing a flexible wealth-driven mechanism.
As a scholar who introduced the concept of"local knowledge"to Chinese readers quite early,the au-thor starts with his personal experience and proceeds to show the co-related generation,transformation and dis-semination of knowledge through a micro case in academic history.Next,the author analyses the concept of"lo-cal knowledge"through three dimensions,namely,human knowledge production,interpretive anthropology,and the cultural study of law.The hidden normative nuances and the pertinent issue of relativism will also be touched upon.In the final part,the author uses two examples to discuss the application of the concept in the Chi-nese context,and argues that the journey of the concept has raised a series of complicated questions and that un-derstanding who uses the concept and why and how the concept is used should be the first step in the course of reflecting on the concept.
Min jian(literally"among people")set the stage for the Chinese revolution in the 20th century.In par-ticular,it largely shaped the CPC's concept of"people".In order to understand how this has come about,it is necessary to examine the modern evolution of the concept of min jian.As an endogenous category of the Chinese intellectual tradition,min jian has maintained its definition stability from ancient times to the present,so much so that its microscopic and internal variations have been ignored.The modern transformation of the category of min jian has gone on two levels.First,the delineation and definition of the collective min has evolved from the tradi-tional"people"to the modem nationals and citizens,and further to the common or average people in the 1920s.Second,in terms of the spatial attributes of min,"locality"has been considered as the living space for modem people,and with the crisis of state and social arrangements,rural and border areas have gradually become im-portant spaces for min jian.In the convergence of the above factors,"Go to the people"movement took place around the May Fourth Movement,and the themes contained in it provided the preconditions for the CPC's con-ception of"people".
Western historicism is meant to de-teleologize general history,whereas general history is derived from the Christian salvation history.Because of such a deep-rooted tradition,historicism can only gain greater and greater momentum,and the relativism and nihilism it has brought along can hardly be corrected.Unlike the Western lineal history shaped by monotheism,Chinese historical thinking stems from ancient rationalized Sha-manism which regards nature as sacred.Through the reformation of the shamanistic-historic tradition,Confu-cius founded the principle of balancing between nature and culture in Spring and Autumn.By examining the civi-lizations of the Xia,Shang and Zhou Dynasties,he established a nature-culture circulatory view of history.On the one hand,he agrees that human knowledge is cumulative and progressive;on the other hand,he does not see such a progress as teleological,rather,he casts it in the mode of oscillation and circulation between nature and culture.After Confucius,the Gongyang school and the historian Sima Qian further elucidated the historical evolution of the interplay between nature and culture,and advanced the dialectical understanding of the nature-culture relationship to a deeper level.Cultural progress should remain on the lease of nature and acquire its val-ue and significance from the latter.Such a view may provide an antidote to the relativism and nihilism in the Western philosophy of history.
Many commentators in the post-Cold War period have attempted to transplant Tocqueville's thesis,that"the Great French Revolution further strengthened the'centralization'that the'old system'had already promoted",into the context of the twentieth-century China.This attempt overlooks the different positions of the two countries in the modem international system.In Tocqueville's vision,China occupies a position similar to that of Algeria,the French colony.However,how the colonized should fight for Tocqueville-style liberty is exact-ly the weak point in Tocqueville's thought.His differentiated attitudes towards colonizers and the colonized are deeply associated with his aristocratic concept of"liberty".A raised consciousness of China's place in the mod-em international system provides the key not only to re-understanding Tocqueville,but also to understanding the legitimacy of"Chinese-style modernization".In fact,"Chinese-style modernization"is based on the negation of the legitimacy of colonialism.A deep reflection on how colonialism has shaped the intellectual tradition of ar-ea studies in the modern West will help us establish China's subjectivity in the construction of her"independent knowledge system".
2010年,在政府推动社会治理创新的背景下,广州市民政局以购买服务的方式支持广东绿耕社会工作发展中心(以下简称"绿耕")开展关于生态文明和可持续生计的农村社会工作试点项目.地理位置偏僻、交通不便的贫困山村——仙娘溪村成为首个试点村庄.
Pema Tseden's three recent feature films,Tharlo,Jinpa and Balloon,have three distinctive features that set them apart from previous Tibetan films,i.e.,creating with firm strokes reflective Tibetan individuals,forming an alienated perspective by offending social rules and taboos,and shaping a forward-looking and transcendent Tibetan identity by bridging internal distinctions and seeking external connections.These three features have giv-en his films a new look that can be called"Tibetan New Wave 2.0".As Tibetan films,they are produced by Tibet-an teams and use Tibetan vernacular,hence their emic perspective.Due to the double marginalization of frontier intellectuals and their life experiences,combined with the diversity and interactivity within Tibetan cultural re-gions,the emic consciousness is constantly changing not only in time but also in space.The new patterns of Ti-betan films,Tibetan images,and Tibetan identity are still emerging.
With the arrival of the digital age,the characteristics of digitalization and gig work are becoming in-creasingly apparent to employees.What impact will this have on their overall trust?Analysis of the 2017 Chinese General Social Survey(CGSS)shows two sets of empirical findings.First,the digitization of work has direct and indirect effects on generalized trust expansion,as resources and social connections help increase the generalized trust of employees.Employees who use the Internet for work have higher levels of generalized trust,and the ex-pansion of their work communication networks plays a partial mediating role in this process.Second,gig work leads to a weakening of organizational commitment and shallowly embedded work communications,resulting in a general and distinctive erosion of trust.Employees without a fixed employer or employment contract have lower levels of generalized trust,and this negative impact is more pronounced among low-income employees.As an important process of Chinese path to modernization,the advent of the digital age reshapes the labor mar-ket and contains the driving force for the transformation of generalized trust.
Generalized trust reflects the tendency to identify with others in society,signifying the confidence and belief in society as a whole.The factors and mechanisms that affect generalized trust are crucial for promoting high-quality social development.In the digital era,the Internet enables the interconnection of human relation-ships.This research focuses on whether Internet use can further bring about common trust in society and how to improve the level of generalized trust in society.Social capital is a key determinant of generalized trust.In the digital era,there is a new theory of online social capital,which enhances the generalized trust of society through identity logic and cognitive logic.Using data from the 2021 Job Search and Social Network Survey,this research presents three main findings.Firstly,both bonding and bridging online social capital can enhance generalized trust.Secondly,a positive relationship exists wherein Internet use boosts online social capital and,consequently generalized trust.Thirdly,entertainment use reduces generalized trust,but when in interaction with bridging on-line social capital,the negative effect on generalized trust can be compensated for by the improvement of bridg-ing online social capital.
High-level generalized trust is a vital social condition and soft power in the modernization process.Our comparative analysis of the latest international survey data shows that interpersonal social networks can both promote and reduce generalized trust.For one thing,the diversity of individuals'strong-tie and weak-tie networks increase levels of generalized trust,with weak-tie networks being more important.For another,the more frequently people participate in social dining with their core network members,the lower levels of their generalized trust is observed.Data analysis indicates that the expansion power of weak-tie networks and the shrinkage power of social-dining networks are universal,while the effect of strong-tie networks is conditional up-on individuals'gender,age,marriage,education,occupation,and income.These empirical findings imply that the effort of constructing a modernized social structure must be focused on adjusting group differences and con-straints of strong-tie networks,allowing people to expand social interactions outside their core network circles,and building extensive weak-tie network channels.
This paper discusses the transformation of local government's industrial policies and their consequenc-es.The example of Wen County shows that there are two types of industrial forms,or what is generally called a"dual industrial structure",in the county:industrial parks and traditional industrial clusters.The county-level government adopts a differentiated industrial policy towards enterprises in the dual structure.On one hand,a significant amount of resources are invested in the"management of the industrial parks",supporting the sta-tioned leading enterprises and joint ventures;on the other hand,SMEs(small and micro enterprises)in the tradi-tional industrial clusters are under"government policy pressures"in terms of land use and environmental pro-tection,which compress their survival space.The differentiated industrial policy is closely related to the weak-ened fiscal incentives for industry,intensified formal competition,and increased governance risks.
This paper combs through a series of Liang Qichao's manuscripts at the turn of the century in 1899,supplemented by other related discussions on the China Discussion during this period,to show the impact of Af-rica,particularly the Boer War at the end of the 19th century,on Liang's understanding of"national imperial-ism".Within the framework of"commonwealth"politics,the paper analyzes Liang's distinction between Chi-nese nationalism and the national imperialism of the great powers,as well as his response to the issue of"nation-al competition"in the broad spatial context of Asia,Africa,the United States and Europe combined.The author argues that Liang's"transformation"can be seen as a universal ideological phenomenon during the formation of the modern capitalist world-system at the end of the 19th century.To understand the cause of this universal phe-nomenon,there are two focal points:the will of the hegemonic powers to rule and the will of the oppressed to re-sist.The tension and conflict between these two dynamic forces provides the basic precondition for us to under-stand Liang Qichao's thinking about China's fate and limitations.
By delving into the development of the children garment industry in Jian Village of Wenzhou in the past 40 years,this paper finds that when local policies,market environment and social relations fail to provide necessary support,rural industry that has once relied on these three elements is now adapting to the new situa-tion by relationship adjustment and network reconstruction.Breaking the"paradox of embeddedness",manufac-turers,sub-contractors and distributors together form a connected network to deal with the crisis.As the key to the resilience of rural industry,the adjustment of relationship does not mean severing ties;on the contrary,the in-ternal basis of the adjustment lies precisely in the moral and ethical principles of economic life.Following the the-oretical concern of"how do rural industries cooperate",this article argues that invisible connected network con-stitutes another aspect of the rural industries which are in substantial cooperation,and this is different from the organizational forms such as joint-stock cooperative system or limited liability system.
引入公共领域与私人领域概念对族群边界问题进行研究有助于族群理论的深化.拥有云南省民族团结进步示范单位等荣誉的哈达村是一个生活着纳西族、藏族、傈僳族等多民族的村落.在公共领域,集体生活空间赋予村民共享不同民族文化的诸多机会而使族群边界得以超越;在私人领域,各民族又以自己的生活细节表征着民族文化意义,从而使族群边界清晰并维持着村寨文化的多样性.哈达村文化的重要意义就是在"我-他"模式之外建立了超越族群边界进而实现多元文化共享的另一种模式.公共领域和私人领域的相对分明使人们在共享不同文化时并不会导致多元文化的消失,在保持各自文化特点的同时并无表达各自文化优越的诉求.在社会交往中,增进共同性,尊重和包容差异性,就能够使文化差异在共享中成为族际关系和谐的黏合剂.
在信息技术高速发展的时代,大型科技企业利用关键技术形成新的市场环境,借由大数据、知识产权和特定的技术路线使收益更加集中,有可能加剧经济和社会不平等.我们可以通过探讨如何在信息技术进步下发展分配正义理论来回应这一问题.关于信息技术进步与收益分配的讨论,多围绕"数字鸿沟"展开,但对应如何引导信息技术向着使更多群体获益的方向发展的规范性讨论仍显单薄.本文以罗尔斯的分配正义理论为分析框架,提出把信息纳入社会基本善的两个正义原则,并通过制定更优化的数据收益分配机制、知识产权制度、多元化技术路线等方式,使更多群体共享信息技术的发展机会与发展成果.
兴起于美国的信息技术革命是一种精英化技术路线,研发及其产品应用不以满足广大劳动人群以及制造业等实体产业的发展需求为目的,目前成为美国国内发展不均衡的原因之一.在我国,发展壮大数字经济是在加快解决发展不平衡不充分问题,分阶段促进共同富裕的战略理念下得以强调的,要求建设"人人参与的发展环境",因此有必要在理念上明确技术路线的可选择性,激励探索不同于精英化取向的技术方案.实践中已出现某些非精英化路线的范例,其理论意义和政策意义值得发掘.
"身体与灵魂,总要有一个在路上."现代技术对肉身的赋权在于,使其能更轻易地抵达尽可能远的远方.远方的具象化使人们一面将更多的人迹罕至处开辟为新的远方,一面考虑如何在抵达处更好地安置肉身.
除了显性的文字交流功能外,在历史中国,书法最重要的隐性功能是制度的:建构文字书写的社会共同体,支持并制约个体在文字书写过程中难免或必要的简化、潦草甚至任性,保证与时俱进的"书同文";进而,借助公文,在这个农耕大国构建起一个上情下达、下情上达、有迹可循、有案备查且有据追责的官僚制度."书"因此成"法".书法的艺术谱系更多是现当代学人对书法的政法谱系的改写.
