In the late 19th and early 20th centuries,the American society advocated the development and utilisation of natural resources.In this context,the national parks,as a using mode of the public lands that'locked in'natural resources and contradicted the development and utilisation tradition,were often questioned and challenged by supporters of the traditional utilitarian forces.In the view of the American social elites who supported the establishment of the national parks,the preserved'unparalleled landscapes'were a source of the national pride and highlighted the uniqueness of the United States.On the one hand,they constructed an image that the national parks were'useless lands'for the traditional ways of resource utilisation.On the other hand,they strongly stressed the national parks'economic,social cultural,scientific and educational functions and values,and the uniqueness of the national parks compared to other'American Commons'of this period.Consequently,they constructed a set of discourses to justify the establishment of the national parks.Such discourses not only followed the'landscape'concept embedded in romanticism and nationalism,but also catered to cultural needs of the American elite in the'post-frontier era'.At the same time,they explicated multiple values of the national parks as'resources'for the economic and social development of the United States.Overall,those discourses legitimised the role of the national parks in the American socio-economic system.The national parks eventually became widely accepted by the American people.
After the signing of the Treaty of Saigon in 1862,Emperor Tu Duc was dissatisfied with the terms of the territory cession and promptly dispatched envoys to France to seek its revision.In the face of the Western impact,Vietnam that believed it had quickly found the logic of the'treaty system'attempted to take advantage of signing a new treaty.Frace also responded by facing with this unconventional manoeuvre.It demonstrated its worldwide power during the journey of the Vietnamese mission to France and'politically educated'the Vietnamese mandarins in order to make them accept the rules of modern diplomacy and integrate Vietnam into the colonial world.Throughout this interaction between the two sides,it became evident that there was heterogeneity within the colonial policy.Phan Thanh Gian's Mission took France's financial woes as a breakthrough in negotiating the new treaty.Nevertheless,the options of Vietnam were limited by its historical experience with the previous tributary system when the negotiations actually began.Even Aubaret who was the sympathetic vietnamologist cannot truly assist the Nguyen Dynasty during the limited period of negotiations.The strong resistance of the French navy ultimately resulted in the failure of the revision of the treaty.
所谓文明,不论其词源如何,本意是指人类社会脱离了原始的蒙昧和野蛮状态而发展到一种高级水平.说某个人类社群进入文明社会,其根本内涵是指这个社群已演变成一种复杂的社会组织.学界论到的文明出现之标志,包括文字的诞生、青铜器的使用、城市的兴起、私有制的起源、阶级的形成、国家的产生等,都在一定程度上与"复杂的社会组织"相关.文字的诞生,在于复杂社会组织的成员之间、成员与组织之间、成员与外部人员之间需要交流,需要用可视形态将交流内容和结果固定下来,以便于记忆和履行.青铜器作为礼器使用时(如商朝),该"礼"一定施用于调整复杂社会组织的成员与成员之间、成员与组织之间的关系;青铜器作为某种标徽或象征使用时(如三星堆文物),是为了凝聚本族群认同,展示本组织的标识;而且,青铜的冶炼,青铜器的铸造,工序众多复杂,需要很多人参与和配合,只有在"复杂社会组织"内才能进行.城市兴起,其功用是为了将族群成员集结在一起,更好地开展成员间交往,更好地保护本族群成员;而且修建城市,其规划、设计、建造,也只能通过复杂社会组织集体完成.至于私有制的起源、阶级的形成,也只有在复杂社会里才会发生,并使得这个复杂社会更加复杂化.族群内矛盾激化,复杂社会组织必须用更强有力的公权来调节、消弭这些矛盾,这就促使国家机器设立,由此形成了公权与多数成员的对立,作为完整文明形态的国家就这样产生了.
In 1985,due to the deteriorating situation in South Africa and the increasing pressure of sanctions from the international community,the Thatcher Administration was forced to consider adjusting its'Contact and Dialogue'policy towards South Africa.In response,Foreign and Commonwealth Office suggested enhancing the credibility of the British policy and avoiding being isolated.Its central strategy was to defend Britian's fundamental interests through a common declaration with the European Community on South Africa,thereby resisting tougher Commonwealth sanctions.However,Thatcher opposed any form of economic sanctions.Accordingly,both sides stuck to their own views,making policy adjustment of Britain extremely difficult.After a series of games,Thatcher selectively accepted the Luxembourg Agreement of the European Community on the premise of balancing the demands of economic and political interests,maintaining the independence and flexibility of the British policy towards South Africa,and then made a strategic compromise at the Commonwealth Conference in Nassau.The adjustment of the Thatcher Administration's policy towards South Africa is the embodiment of the British tradition of pragmatic diplomacy,with its fundamental purpose to maximise the overall interests of the United Kingdom at the lowest cost.However,this policy in favour of the South African government in fact extended the life of apartheid in South Africa.
The theory of weather cycles has been an essential part of meteorology during different historical times.The periodicity theories,which were established on the basis of data tracing in Australia during the colonial era,represented ecological response of the public getting to learn the external world and serve production and life in a new environment.As a kind of colonial knowledge from the southern hemisphere,the long periodicity theories combining folk ecological wisdom and physical theory gradually developed into an important theoretical tool of modern meteorology,promoted the scientization of meteorology,and inspired the global meteorological research in the following decades.At the beginning of the theory creation,the meteorological prediction guided by the cycle theory caused great controversy,failed to pass the test within scientific community,and became an unresolved thought experiment.At the end of the 19 th century,the'grievances'between two Australian meteorologists,Henry Russell and Charles Egeson,reflected the rapid development and difficulties which were faced by the Australian meteorology during the period of international academic transformation.
连续性、创新性、统一性、包容性以及和平性,这五个"性"全面且准确地总结和概括了中华文明几个突出特点.这个概括对研究和评价其他文明很有启发作用.下面我谈谈古代两河流域文明,或更确切地说,楔形文字文明的特点,不求全面,仅以一孔之见向各位专家和同仁请教.
How to define the role of patronage in politics of the Roman Republic is crucial to understand its institutions and their working.Mommsen,Coulanges and others in the 19th century paid more attention to the role of patronage in the regal period and the early Roman Republic and believed that patronage was no longer important following the end of the struggle between plebs and aristocracy.To the contrary,Gelzer,Syme and their adherents stressed that the nobility manipulated the Roman politics through network of patronage,and deeply demonstrated the specific presentation and effect of patronage in the Roman domestic and foreign policy from many different aspects.However,paying too much attention to the role of nobility resulted in the elite becoming the entire Roman history,which further aroused challenges of Brunt,Millar and others.They resumed Polybius'exposition and attempted to re-stress the role of democratic elements in the Roman republic politics,turning the related studies from patronage to more specific institutional and communication facets between the elite and the mass.Although the latest academic studies did not specifically pay attention to the patronage any more,the Roman institutional arrangement,economic condition and social structure leave much space for patronage playing its role,which still needs to be fully appreciated.
The wilderness is of great significance in the American history and culture.The mainstream American society has endowed wilderness with multiple connotations throughout different historical periods.In the eyes of the colonists,wilderness was a dwelling of'barbarians and beasts'which made people fear and disgust.Nevertheless,the colonists acknowledged that the native Americans had rights to inhabit and survive in the wilderness.The romanticists injected aesthetic and moral significance into the'the Indian wilderness',but detached it from the connection with human subsistence.Artists of the Hudson River School perceived wilderness as a sublime symbol of the American national identity,but ignored the existence of the native Americans unconsciously.After the Civil War,elites regarded the wilderness as the origin of traditions of the American individualism and democracy.The modern concept of wilderness which incorporated ecological science and environmental ethics injected scientific connotation and'right of nature'into the wilderness,considered activities of all human including the native Americans of utilising wilderness resources the disruptive factors.Elements relating to human civilisation and subsistence had been gradually diluted until they were completely detached,and the cognition of'uninhabited wilderness'became the core essence of the mainstream American wilderness ideology.This has had a profound impact on the goals and policies of wilderness preservation in the United States,and played a positive role in preserving animal and plant resources and wild landscapes while simultaneously created a'paradoxical'relationship between human subsistence and wilderness.In this sense,the cognition of the mainstream American society relating to'uninhabited wilderness'carries strong undertones of racism and elitism.
The decision-making of the British government aiming at the Malvinas Islands Crisis played a crucial role for Britain eventually winning the Malvinas Islands War.The hard-line policy satisfying the public demands laid a foundation for the British government to obtain the public support.The crisis management to stabilise the governing status created the necessary political premise for the British government to implement its established hard-line policy.Three kinds of news control with different functions effectively prevented the leakage of military information and ensured that Britain conducted the military operations smoothly.The diplomatic action to build the image of justice provided the legal basis for Britain exercising the right of self-defence later and had a dual effect on the British public opinion to eliminate the anti-war voice and promote the pro-war public opinion.Since the British government actually pursued a war policy of seizing the Malvinas Islands by force and intended to shirk the war responsibility at the same time,its decision to deal with the Malvinas Islands Crisis was deceptive and had relatively limited effect.
The study of the history of the overseas Chinese has been a traditional field in the Chinese academic community in modern times.It underwent changes in cultural backgrounds over different eras and became an interdisciplinary frontier due to its complexity.The dual nature of ethnicity and transnationalism among the overseas Chinese as an immigrant group naturally intersected with the field of international relations.Drawing inspiration from the burgeoning field of'Immigration and International Relations'in international relations studies can be conducive to clarify the historical interplay between the overseas Chinese and the Chinese diplomacy since the late Qing Dynasty,as well as within the broader context of international relations.The examination of the history of the overseas Chinese from an international relations perspective not only implies shifts in research pathways and subjects,but also underscores the need for traditional diaspora historians to enhance their utilisation of various categories of historical documents.There exists a vast academic frontier waiting to be explored between the topics of the overseas Chinese and international relations.The Chinese scholars shoulder the responsibility and obligation to unearth the intricate traces left by overseas Chinese communities in the history of international relations,along with the multifaceted identities shaped by them.
从18世纪末到内战前,面对国际和国内废奴运动所带来的思想意识挑战,美国南部白人医生吸收科学种族主义和人种学理论,将这些起源于欧洲和美国北部的思想与南部奴隶制的现实结合并加以改造,为维护奴隶制提供了知识资源,与南部其他知识精英、政治人士共同建构了拥奴思想.他们从身体和智识两方面考察黑人种族,讨论黑人对某些疾病具有的免疫力及其相关疾病的易感性,利用这些所谓种族特征来论证黑人的"低劣性".在南部白人医生看来,黑人的生理特征具有政治与社会意义,成为论证黑人适应南部炎热气候劳动,维护南部黑人奴隶制的一种工具.白人医生还杜撰了所谓的"黑人疾病",并对黑奴伪装患病进行特殊的诊断和治疗,利用医学和生理学知识证明黑人在生理和精神上的缺陷,从而为奴隶管理提供医学支撑.南部白人医生的拥奴思想建构对19世纪的南部社会乃至整个美国产生了很大影响.即使在奴隶制被废除、黑人成为自由人后,由白人医生建构的科学种族主义依然在美国南部白人社会中盛行,成为社会达尔文主义的重要思想基础.
英国宗教改革是英国历史上的重要转折点,都铎王朝的君主们确立了 一个听命于至尊王权、独立于罗马教会的英国教会.宗教改革的一个重要措施是将英国的主教任命权收归国王,并以法律的形式固定下来.中世纪晚期,英国的主教具有双重身份,他们既是国王的封臣,又是罗马教皇的使节,在身份和职能上都具有双重性.英国的宗教改革终止了国王和主教之间的封建关系,使二者的关系变成普通的君臣关系.主教的职能被限定在宗教领域,主教被取消了一系列宗教特权.通过改革主教制度,英国国王实现了在宗教领域和世俗领域完整的司法审判权,英国的主教群体成为至尊王权的捍卫者.主教制度改革加速了王权对于英国教会的控制,是都铎时期英国国家建构的重要步骤.
随着新航路开辟,探险者和传教士将大量异域知识带到欧洲,基于《圣经》的世界历史书写传统遭受冲击.如何整合异域知识构建新的世界历史成为16-18世纪史家所关心的问题.其中,百科全书式的世界史书写成为一股重要潮流,18世纪英国学者集体创作的多卷本《萨尔普遍史》便是这一潮流的代表.该书出版之后被翻译成多国语言畅销欧洲,其中尤以德文版最具影响力.然而,该书出版不久便在德意志地区遭受学院派历史学家的批评,其销量受挫.《萨尔普遍史》所代表的旧史料观也在新史料观的冲击下变得不合时宜.19世纪初兴起了书写世界历史的新潮流,人们希望从世界大事中了解世界大势.传统的百科全书式历史书写在史学史谱系中被边缘化.《萨尔普遍史》的命运浮沉并非孤例,从中折射出近代史学观念和历史意识的变迁.
1486年,巴黎教会法学家科姆·基米耶出版了《布尔日国事诏书》的注释本.在这部高卢主义理论经典中,基米耶阐明了高卢主义的王权与教权观念.就王权而言,基米耶主要论述了"法国国王不承认世俗上级"、男性世袭、王国不可让与、高等法院限制王权等原则.就教权而言,基米耶突出了公会议至上主义的立场,并努力将教会组织实践"司法化".他反对教宗通过圣俸授任敛财,反对越级直诉教宗,但同时也反对王室司法官员通过"滥权上诉"攫取教会司法权,极力维护"教会自由".通过对《注释》作系统梳理可以发现,基米耶的王权与教权观念存在同构性,但他并没有将公会议至上主义的教会学照搬到有关法兰西王权的论证之上,而是根据法国的情况作了适当的调整.《布尔日国事诏书注释》所反映的王权和教权理论建构有助于解释,16世纪法国为何没有推行类似于英国的基米耶宗教改革.
"中世纪晚期危机"是对14-15世纪发生在西欧的饥荒、瘟疫、战争及其导致的人口减少、经济停滞、政治和社会秩序紊乱的概括.中世纪晚期危机从20世纪30年代开始成为西欧中世纪史的重要研究主题,已经形成了两大主流解释模式.第一种是"衰落论":通过探寻危机产生的原因,认为中世纪晚期危机是西欧社会相对于中世纪盛期的衰落;第二种是"转型论":通过探讨危机的影响,提出中世纪晚期危机推动了西欧社会形态和国家形态从中世纪向近代的转型.这两种范式都是以中世纪晚期之前或之后的历史时段为标准做出的相对性判断.时至今日,只有以危机与危机应对的视角重新审视14至15世纪西欧在政治、经济、社会等领域的变化与发展,揭示出中世纪晚期西欧社会的韧性,才能对旧的范式实现突破,进而深化对历史上"危机"与社会发展之间互动关系的理解.
早在建国之初,美国政府的经济发展激励措施就已经出现.但从严格意义上讲,美国州和地方政府专门针对吸引外来企业的经济发展激励政策,始于1936年密西西比州的"工农业平衡发展项目",并在30年代形成了发展的第一个高潮.20世纪七八十年代以来,美国州和地方政府经济发展激励措施的数量显著增加,数额巨大的"超级交易"频频出现,形成了第二个高潮.激励措施之所以在这一时期明显升级,大的时代背景是美国经济的低迷以及州和地方政府的角色发生重大转变,同时州和地方政府官员的政治考量,加之选址公司的推波助澜,形成了激励措施不断升级的合力.不容忽视的是,企业空间流动性增强和选址因素发生的变化也是激励措施升级的重要因素.长期以来,美国州和地方政府的经济发展激励措施一直饱受争议,认为其存在有违公平原则、影响公共服务质量、只是一场零和博弈等问题.这些问题都在一定程度上客观存在,但其严重程度不宜被过度夸大,应给予经济激励措施公允的评价.
乌克兰东正教会自主地位的争议问题是近来东正教世界的热点问题.讨论这一事件的关键是1686年基辅都主教区归属权从君士坦丁堡牧首区转移至莫斯科牧首区的相关历史事件和教会文件.在这一争论中,君士坦丁堡牧首区声称从未转让过基辅都主教区,只是将祝圣基辅都主教的权力授予了莫斯科牧首区.但莫斯科牧首区并不承认1686年基辅都主教区转让的"部分性""暂时性"和"有条件性",并试图从教规的角度证明1686年君士坦丁堡牧首区将基辅都主教区的归属权"永久地"转让给了俄罗斯东正教会.两大牧首区的历史叙事和论证策略充满着竞争色彩和建构主义意味,目的都是使自身在乌克兰东正教会自主事件中的行动合法化,这也进一步将1686年基辅都主教区转让事件提升至意识形态冲突的层面.
十字军东征是东西方关系史上的重要事件,给阿拉伯人造成了难以释怀的心理创伤.然而,这种创伤记忆并非与十字军入侵同步形成,它主要是现代世界的产物.20世纪以前,阿拉伯人总体上并未将十字军东征看成一场严重的民族灾难,十字军对阿拉伯人的思想观念几乎没有产生明显影响.20世纪以来,欧美国家多次打着"十字军东征"的旗号侵犯阿拉伯世界,这导致阿拉伯人将欧洲殖民主义、美国霸权主义和犹太复国主义都视为"新十字军东征",甚至泛化"十字军"的概念,以其来指代整个西方社会.而且,库尔德人萨拉丁战胜十字军的事迹还被打造成阿拉伯民族英雄主义的象征.正是在现代民族主义语境下,阿拉伯人把十字军东征建构成阿拉伯民族共同的苦难记忆,以此来打造民族认同感,激励民众反抗西方和以色列.十字军东征经过这种政治化的解读和运用,成为阿拉伯世界建构集体记忆的重要资源以及排斥西方的心理症结,也折射出阿拉伯人期待民族复兴,恢复伊斯兰荣光的愿景.
二战后日本的"战友会"群体,是以乡土地域、家族血缘或其他社会关系为纽带,借助战场上凝结起来的生死情谊,由日本二战时"乡土部队"发展而来.该群体既是战争亲历者,又是二战后较早的一批战史研究者,他们关注二战缅甸战场,采用微观战史的书写体例,编纂参战师团、联队史志集,出版个人战记与回忆录,形成了官方档案之外的珍贵"一手"文献群.这些士兵个人参战经历的记录、士兵战场生活史的建构,可在一定程度上揭示缅甸战场复杂的战争环境、驻地生活等史实,又能反映日本普通士兵的战争观及战争责任意识.二战后日本"战友会"微观战史书写及研究的系列成果,为第二次世界大战史尤其是中国抗战史的研究补充了部分翔实的微观史料.但须指出的是,日本旧军人对历史的"选择性"记录所传递的错误战争观,深刻形塑了战后日本社会对战争责任的认识.
自20世纪中期特别是80年代以来,赴美留学生作为人力资本跨国复合体,在完成学业后获得了更加广阔的国际视野、跨文化交流的能力,以及跨国就业的竞争力.因此,各国赴美留学生,尤其是拥有理工科博士学位的留学生学成后滞留不归的现象比较突出.这种现象既源于美国不断完善的人才吸引政策体系,也是世界各国围绕留学生和技术人才激烈竞争的结果,还是留学生个人回收其人力资本投资的选择.经过留学期间的专业训练,他们不仅成为名副其实的技术人才,而且许多人的价值观、文化与民族认同也发生蜕变,因而在选择未来去向时会从个人利益出发,优先选择到各方面条件都优越的美国等发达国家定居.而那些在美国事业发展不畅,或对母国有强烈民族认同感的人则会选择回国.从学生到移民的过程表明,每个人都必须经过美国就业市场和作为主权国家标志的移民政策的双重过滤,否则就会被拒之门外.这一史实不仅推翻了所有强调市场而淡化国家主权因素的国际移民理论,也证明了国际学界唱衰国家主权理论的缺陷,同时还向学界提出了正视经济全球化进程中市场与国家主权因素之间内在关联的历史命题.
